Abstrict

Insecure borders always provide passage to criminals for their institution. Borders depict the geographical limits of a particular state and determine its power and functioning in a region. Internal security of the country cannot be assured until its boundaries are not regularized. Countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan having numerous social, economic, and security challenges serve as an avenue for traffickers. A disputed border is waning the bilateral relations and promoting the narco-economy in the Af-Pak region. The Afghan opiate is also serving as solid financial support for the Taliban and other terrorist groups. The existence of persistent mistrust and blame game policy is contagiously affecting the lives of ordinary people. The political leadership of Afghanistan and Pakistan should learn a lesson from their past to protect their nationals from economic disasters and smugglers. In addition, the nature of this study is qualitative. Both primary and secondary data prove the main agenda of this study by highlighting the deep and robust linkage of the border dispute in the spread of drug trafficking in both countries. Moreover, there is a dire need for Pak-Afghan border management to provide shelter to the locals and the legal economy. For gaining mutual economic benefits, both states can utilize borders by articulating the mechanism for border regulation

Keywords

Afghanistan and Pakistan National Anti-Narcotics Policy, Cannabis, Chemical Precursors, Drug Trafficking, Opium, Illegal Trade, Socio-Economic Conditions, Transnational Crimes

Introduction

Transnational crimes have been expanding at a rapid pace in the South Asian region for the last few decades. The political, security and economic dynamics are fluctuating in this region with changing policies of superpowers. This has brought a substantial impact on the geostrategic significance of various states of the area. The entire region has gained a significant position due to its unique geopolitical and geostrategic features in world politics. Due to its rising importance in the international community's eyes, it has gained the same attention of several non-state violent actors as fertile ground for cultivating their illegal commodities. The high level of percentage of organized crimes in this region depicts its conducive environment for criminal networks. The aggressive and vibrant expansion of crime facilitators and establishment of their networks are more observed in conflicted zones than peaceful localities. Instability and violence in a region, state, or society always nurture the crimes and give green signals for the conscription and mobilization of unlawful forces and criminal nexuses.  

The deteriorating effects of criminal activities, either in chaotic or peaceful conditions of the state(s), are always directly witnessed in the social affairs and security landscape. Although, the chaos leads to the beginning of unlawful activities in the state and vice versa. Hence, it's a two-way process that violence is always beneficial for the key stakeholders of illegitimate businesses. In terms of policies, it can be understood that if the state has formulated soft policies or weak strategies against criminal networks, then criminals have a stronghold in a particular state. Therefore, instability in a state always serves as a blessing or bridge for criminals ( May, C. 2017). While discussing the contemporary conflicted zones in the South Asian region, this paper entirely focuses on the impacts of instability in the Pak-Afghan region on promoting socio-economic crisis among both countries. 

Secure borders ensure smooth relations between neighbors. Their concerns have a long history of tensions and skirmishes based on the border dispute in Afghanistan and Pakistan. The impacts of border disputes are multidimensional. On the one hand, this dispute generates security concerns and, on the other hand, halts both states' economic activities and social prosperity. There is no effective foreign policy and connectivity towards each other. Lack of diplomatic ties and political cohesion impacts both states' socio-economic and security factors ranging from individual to state level. Afghanistan is a landlocked and multiethnic country with a high range of mountains and plateau areas comprised of 251,825 square miles and is bordered by  Iran, Pakistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and China ( Dupree, L. 2002).

The Durand Line's legitimacy is endured controversy for various reasons, such as no acceptance for Durand Line as an international border, considering the 1893 Durand Line agreement as a time-bound agreement, the demand for the establishment of Pashtunistan raised by the government of Afghanistan. According to the claim of the successive Afghan governments, 41 million Pashtuns in a region supported establishing a state comprised of Pashtuns within Pakistan (Schons, M. (2011). This line had divided the largest ethnic group, Pashtuns of Afghanistan. Pashtuns were forced to accept Durand Line, splitting the whole tribe into two states (Bajoria, J. 2009). While Pakistan considers it an international border and recognizes it as the demarcation line between Afghanistan and Pakistan (Schons, M. (2011).

It is noteworthy here that border insecurity nourishes conflicts and issues between the states; in worst cases, this leads to highs and lows in Pak-Afghan relations. Pakistan always contributes more to strengthening its ties with Afghanistan and maintains peace and stability in the region because it is linked to its own internal security (Zulfqar, S. 2012). The controversial border has an old political history before the partition of the Subcontinent and gained hype after the formation of Pakistan in 1947 (Bajoria, J. 2009). While the recurrence of several political upheavals and tensions, both states had not enjoyed friendly and diplomatic relations. Meanwhile, the century-old border dispute has further stimulated the distrust level and political differences between consecutive governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan.

With the arrival of Afghan refugees in Pakistan in 1989 and the beginning of the War on Terror (WoT) in Afghanistan, the region's graph shows an increase in socio-economic decline.  It is inevitable to ignore that the porous and disputed nature of the Pak-Afghan border has played a tremendous role in aiding the humanitarian crisis. As the focus of both sides, political leadership revolves around their political gains, blame game, and building influence on each other. This has provided a broader space for drug traffickers to strengthen their networks and govern their illegal activities from Pak-Afghan soil (Thompson, E. A. 2015). 

Although, Afghanistan is renowned as one of the most extensive opium-producing countries in the world. Its opium trade on an international level has created confusion among its neighboring countries. Its drug trade serves multiple functions as a threat to security, economic instability, and the cause of several social problems prevailing in both states. There are historical shreds of evidence that reflect the existence of significant hindrances in their development process. Afghanistan has gained the opium-producing country after Iran during the 1950s, while Pakistan was the largest market for opium. While discussing opium cultivation and its transit in the international world, the two popular terms linked with the history of opium production and trade are Golden Triangle and Golden Crescent (Dupree, L. 2002).                                       

While the history of the origin of the Gold Crescent existed during the downfall of the Golden Triangle, it consists of Muslim countries, including Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran. In 1979, when Golden Crescent emerged as the largest opium producer country in the international market. According to the Central Intelligence Agency (C.I.A.) of United States report about the massive production of heroin and opium, the Iranian boom in opium production has given rise to a new Golden Triangle in the southwest of Asia comprised of Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran. The time Golden Crescent was not prolonged as it existed between the late 1970s till the mid-1980s when the rate of opium production fluctuated between Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran. In the case of Iran, opium production is limited to domestic consumption; in Afghanistan, the opium market was growing slowly, while Pakistan had the highest rate of opium production. The opium and low-grade heroin markets strengthened their roots, as the consumption rate increased in Afghanistan and Pakistan when it was Shah Regime in Iran during 1955, had banned opium production (Macdonald, D. 2007). 

While Afghanistan and Pakistan are significant suppliers of opium in Iran, the production rate of opium and heroin in both countries fluctuated like it was 90 tons in 1971, then it increased up to 500 tons in 1978 and later on it reached up to 800 tons in 1979. But the rapid pace of opium and heroin was again slowed down when the Iranian revolution was brought to Iran. The political changes in Iran were bringing economic impacts on the illicit opium economy of Afghanistan and Pakistan. This political revolution in Iran had closed the largest outlet of opium in Afghanistan and Pakistan. But this had not stopped the opium supply in Iran for a long time across the shared borders of Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Meanwhile, like Iran, during the military regime of General Zia-ul-Haq in Pakistan, he had ordered and banned opium and narcotics production, cultivation, and their transit in Pakistan. But his order was applied only for one year. The drug traffickers in Pakistan had changed their strategy; they had shifted from opium production towards the production and refining of heroin, which was heavily consumed in Pakistan and exported in European states and America by utilizing illegal means of crossing borders (Schons, M. 2011). 

While inquiring about the effects of regulating the Pak-Afghan border on both states, Mr. Safi replied that there was a more significant mistake on Pakistan's end. By referring to the political history of Pakistan, he has mentioned specific democratic forces had never considered the significance of managing the Pak-Afghan common border. They had intentionally kept the border policies soft for both side areas. While Afghanistan is still reluctant on the proposal of regularizing border because it goes against their claim about the Durand line that has no logical and legal grounds. Moreover, it has brought massive loss to their illicit economy but remains a vital tool of Afghan politics against Pakistan. The researcher ponders that if the political leadership of both sides acknowledges the long-term benefit of managing the Pak-Afghan border, it will provide vital support to legal, economic, and social activities. 

During the 1980s, Afghanistan and Pakistan were both the leading suppliers of opium to meet the demands of the international market. The porous border of Afghanistan and Pakistan has also played an important role in potentially carving the opportunities for strengthening the drug trade economy and deteriorating the bilateral relations in different periods. Although the Afghan drug economy had faced other ups and downs, especially during the Soviet invasion, Afghan warlords planted crops in Southern Afghanistan. They supplied it by using the route of the Pakistan border to the international market for generating revenue for their armed forces. The I.S.I. was alleged in Pakistan for supporting drug trade in Afghanistan to finance Mujahideen in Afghanistan to gain their goals. The transit of opium & its paste from the Pak-Afghan border to other countries was much easier because of the weak border security and porous border (Hilali, A. Z. 2017). The failure of the U.S. and Western governments' anti-narcotics policies in Afghanistan has observed a massive increase in opium production from the 2000s. After 9/11, conflicts between military troops and militants had greatly provoked the drug trafficking issue in Afghanistan and created doubts and hurdles in peace and socio-economic development (Sohail, A., Mahwish, B., & Sumbal, H. 2016).  

While referring to Pierre-Arnaud Chevy in his book, he mentioned that poppy production has a long history as an addictive drug linked to the illicit trade of modern times of remote areas of Asia. Historical evidence showed the cultivation of opium in massive quantity in Europe and Asia, especially its strong connections with the history of Afghanistan. He has illustrated that the gigantic level of opium production in Afghanistan is responsible for poverty and food insecurity. Although the United States of America also had taken initiatives to control and annihilate drugs in this region, those steps didn't bring desired results. Furthermore, the economic position of local people in Afghanistan is not that strong as labour-intensive production methodology is not remunerative for the poppy farmers either it could be helpful for them in case of cultivating alternative crops (Chouvy, P.-A. 2010). 

On the other side, due to the international community's pressure and internal security dilemmas, different governments in Pakistan have drafted various policies and strategies to control drug trafficking and its trade via the Pak-Afghan border. Baluchistan government established a customs office in their province that has caught two smugglers smuggling massive amounts of drug from Afghanistan to Pakistan, having worth 2 million rupees at Balelili check post (Chaman Zaheer F. 2015). The porous border facilitates the smugglers in strict security on the Pakistani side and assists undocumented Afghans to cross the Pak-Afghan border while making their drug trade. This incident happened in 2014 when law enforcement agencies arrested 20 undocumented Afghan migrants from Quetta while checking vehicles travelling from Karachi to Quetta, attempting to smuggle 290 kg hashish in different areas of Baluchistan (Report, C. T. 2017).

Another set of facts revealed from the reports mentioned above is that the porous nature of the border facilitates the smuggling of drugs and allows the movement of non-registered individuals across the border, creating another perplexing situation for the law enforcement agencies of both countries about the nationality of individuals and the purpose of crossing the border via illegitimate means. This raises objections over the security policies of law enforcement agencies for their monitoring of the movement of people. Suppose there is a gap in the border management policies, who will be responsible for loss in maintaining legal trade, preventing security threats, and the movement of terrorists and traffickers. It has also stressed the status of individuals moving across the border, whether Afghan nationals or Pakistan nationals, refugees or immigrants (Bajoria, J. 2009). Another dimension of this problem is the failure of policymakers and executors in categorizing the individuals based on their time of arrival in each state or crossing the border each time, deployment of troops, functions of custom offices, and system of procedures for immigration. The policy failure and soft border policies have always ensured a conducive environment for drug traders to run their illegal businesses in an organized manner. In this manner, the adjacent border areas of Afghanistan and the tribal region of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are a hub of source, transit, and destination of the international injurious drug market (Iqbal, H., & Khan, S. 2014).

In fact, the border dispute is involved in the silent genocide of poor people across the border. They are facing numerous challenges, simultaneously, entirely flooded with the dreadful implications of the porous border. On the one hand, they are the actual sufferers of war and security dilemmas, while on the other hand, they face a high level of poverty, exploitation, and health issues. In both cases, the border dispute fuels their large-scale problems and discrepancies at the policy and leadership level on the Pak-Afghan border, promoting negative sentiments among commons.

While the 2016 report of INCSR has been recognized as Pakistan's world's top transit corridors for opiates and cannabis, with the assistance of its neighboring countries Afghanistan and Iran, the porous borders of Pakistan with Afghanistan and Iran have played a vital role in transporting narcotics from one state to another conveniently. The primary transmission routes of illicit drugs are Pakistan's seaports, airports, postal services, porous borders, and unpatrolled coastal areas. According to the reported estimate of UNODC, about 40% of the drugs, particularly opium, heroin, and cannabis produced by Afghanistan, entered in Pakistan mainly from border areas are consumed domestically and transported to the international markets, including China, the Gulf States, Africa, and Europe. Additionally, poppy cultivation levels in some areas of Pakistan have risen from previous years. It is clearly determined by UNODC that evidence has proved that apart from Afghanistan, Pakistan is also a significant transit country for precursor chemicals used in the production of heroin and methamphetamines in the South Asian region (UNODC. 2016). On the contrary to this report, different democratic and military governments are claiming to maintain the poppy-free state from 2001.  While the following graph based on the UNODC report of 2017 shows a clear picture of cannabis production volume in Afghanistan and Pakistan.



Source: (UNODC, 2017)

The stronghold of drug traffickers in the bordering areas has brought several elements in the limelight concerning the disputed border. Dr. Ashraf Ali said that there was a need to address the causes for why people opt for drug trafficking for a living in Afghanistan and Pakistan. One of the most significant factors is terrible governance. When a government fails to deliver the services and facilities to its citizens to live their lives, then corruption becomes an everyday norm religiously followed at the institution and individual levels. Bad governance always ensures the failure of governmental policies, widening the gap between the state and its ordinary people and declining socio-economic conditions. Therefore, these conditions activate various human or drug traffickers and terrorists to establish their networks and finance the ordinary people to gain their sympathy for strengthening the roots of their network in a vulnerable society. Another critical factor is the porous border and weak security checks at the edge. Afghanistan is the world's largest opium producer country. The declining security condition of Afghanistan has primarily supported opium production and transmission across the border and in the international market. The border dispute between both states has played an important in the transit of drugs and revenue generation for criminal and terrorist organizations. 

While observing the report of UNODC, the researcher had noted in 2016, 57% of opium production is increased in Afghanistan compared to past years. The report also mentions that the factors involved in opium production and its transport across the border of both states affect several factors like environmental factors, preservation methods, the socio-economic vulnerability of farmers and transporters, rules and regulations, and opium prices. There are four primary sources of externally generated income: opium production and trafficking, unregulated trade in legitimate goods, remittances from abroad, and donor assistance. Although the government has taken steps to cut down drug transport and consumption, it demands high expenditure in the presence of instability and insurgency.

Afghanistan is a landlocked country. It has austere border clashes with Pakistan from time to time in the presence of all risk factors internally and externally, the opium and its other products of drugs are mainly produced in the Helmand, Baghdis, Kandahar, Uruzgan, Nangarhar, Farah, Badakhshan, and Nimroz or in general term Southern, Eastern and Western regions of the country (UNODC. 2016). The majority of areas are located along the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan. This shows that they are easily transported across the border by the drug traffickers by taking advantage of the porous nature of the Pak-Afghan border and weak border policies and security system. Therefore, the ongoing illegal trade of drugs has caused a considerable loss to the economy of both states from past decades; like in the case of Pakistan, it is bearing the massive loss of 3 billion $ annually. While in Afghanistan, the illicit opiate economy is 2.4 billion$, equivalent to 15 % of the country's licit G.D.P. (Ahrari, E., Felbab-Brown, V., Shelley, L. I., & Hussain, N. 2009). The estimated loss to the state economy is still growing due to the unresolved border between both states (Zaheer F. 2015).  

Although, the Trump administration has deployed many troops and adopted the policies to kill Taliban guerillas at the spot. But the Afghan government's weak policies and fragile security conditions are still favoring Taliban and opium cultivation. Production and its marketing across the border generate considerable revenue for their fights and terrorist attacks on the national and international levels. According to information of C.I.A. higher official Taliban need 90 million $ for 25000 guerillas conducting their single seasonal fight that much revenue is easily generated by the large-scale drug trade.  As U.S. Commander to Afghanistan, Gen. John Nicholson has identified the importance of Helmand that alone produces a significant amount of opium worldwide that turns into heroin and provides sheer financial support 60% to Taliban (Jones, S. G. 2009). 

Similar to these facts, Dr. Rahmullah mentioned that President Ashraf Ghani had acknowledged the role of the narco-economy in resistance shown by the Taliban against NATO forces. He said that drugs trade across borders in neighboring states and international markets has massively supported the Taliban to fight this long war with international forces; without drugs, this war would no longer exist (McCoy, A. 2017). 

On anonymity, a government official revealed that opium and other addictive drugs were easily transported in and out of Afghanistan and Pakistan through porous borders. This is usually done under the supervision of border forces and security officials mainly from Nuristan, Helmand, Baghdis, and Herat through the other checkpoints other than Torkham and Chaman points transported in Pakistan by delivering the orders at the domestic level; they are transported from Baluchistan to Iran, China and other suppliers of international markets. They are smuggled by hiding them in the trucks either in their toolkit box or other hidden areas purposively formed by transporters for drugs in their vehicles used to transmit fruits and other commodities from Afghanistan to Pakistan. Different routes of transmission of drugs from Afghanistan to international markets are from Central Asian countries except for Turkmenistan because no primary and secondary data is available in this state. Similarly, the same way is used by the Pakistani drug traffickers by taking advantage of a porous border and deceiving the security checks for its transport. 

From 2001 to 2016, the mushrooming in opium production increased from 8000 hectares to 200,000 hectares in Afghanistan that shows the complete failure of U.S. eradication policies for counter-narcotics in Afghanistan and has invested $8 billion. U.S. administration strategies initiated such programs in Afghanistan to control the drug trafficking lives of people, health issues, mainly the spread of H.I.V., Hepatitis C, and substance abuse disorders among injection drug users (I.D.U.) by using military means and U.N. safety and security programs (Jones, S. G. 2009). But the desired results are not availed because the major dispute is on the border between Afghanistan and Pakistan.

 Actually, the profit makers of the drug trade are influential enough that they have a stronghold in business, social and political arenas. During the regime of former president Hamid Karzai, warlords and drug traffickers had closed ties with influential state elements either in the government and military sector for controlling economic resources. In the presence of these elements, there is an excellent opportunity for drug lords and drug suppliers to promote their own self-interests over the development of services for Afghan citizens. According to UNODC report 2000, during War on Terror between the Taliban and the Northern Alliance, opium produced in Taliban areas was successfully traded and operated through Northern Alliance-controlled areas in the presence of unstable security situations (Aronowitz, A. A. 2009). In fact, due to impractical government strategies against drug traffickers, the whole chain of drug dealers has no difficulty in carrying out their illicit trade activities across the borders. Until and unless this border dispute is not resolved illegal trade volume of drug trafficking cannot be controlled.

While the constitutional framework of Pakistan has defined different laws and responsibilities of law enforcement and ministries for curbing the drug trafficker networks and menace of their expansion in a country, it is prohibited in law Article 37(g) To advertise any content depicting drugs, gambling, and prostitution through any type of media. It is the responsibility of the state to take all those measures to prevent all illegal activities within a state. Similarly, Articles 90 and 99 held responsibility on the Ministry of Narcotics to take control of the rules of business, especially the matter of narco-economy, including steps taken to reduce drug supply & demand nationwide and at the international level. Moreover, the state should coordinate with the international community to build capacity and mitigate the illegal drug trade across the border (Rasmussen, S. E., & Boone, J. 2015). Another act named Control of Narcotic Substances Act (CNSA) 1997 determines the punishments and imprisonment for drug use, abuse, smuggling, and trafficking. Under this act, there is the establishment of a special Anti-narcotics Force for administering and managing inquiries of narcotics and drug-related crimes (G.O.P. 1997).

However, the government of Pakistan launched its national anti-narcotics policy on launching World Drug Report, based on the theme to prevent and counter the complicated drug problem from Pakistan. The primary objectives of this policy are to work on banning & prevention drugs, treatment of victims, and efforts for regional and international cooperation. The nature of challenges to combat the trade of illicit drugs is acting as a constant threat to Pakistan's health, safety, and well-being. The policy addresses various shortcomings in improving mechanisms at the federal and provincial level, improving health services, and capacity building of law enforcement agencies.

 Moreover, the policymakers are now emphasizing the preventive intervention program against drug traffickers, establishing a unique intelligence system that is not effective for controlled movement on the border and counter the inflow of drugs, especially the Afghan origin, drug trafficking networks, and their routes within across the country. The Afghan government has also launched its anti-narcotics policy, discussing various steps against drug trafficking and other illegitimate activities. Its Article 4, 7, 8, 65 discusses the responsibilities of the state in multiple ways to control and mitigate the terrorist organizations, drug smuggling, cultivation, and production within the country and across its borders. The Afghan government has formulated this policy using a balanced and comprehensive approach to ensure Afghanistan is a poppy-free state.

In addition to this, both states can involve their Civil Aviation Authority, Coast Guard, Maritime Security Agency, Airport Security Force, Pakistan Customs Services, Federal Board of Revenue, F.I.A., and Fisheries Departments for controlling drug trafficking across land, sea, and air borders. In this manner, it will not only help in preventing drug smuggling but also counter the diversion and illegal usage of precursor chemicals listed under the U.N. Convention against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances of 1988. While UNODC report has estimated over 4.25 million people are drug-dependent in the country. Whereas in Afghanistan, approximately 1 million women and 1 lakh children are drug addicts (Iqbal, H., & Khan, S. 2014). While the health facilities and rehabilitation centers for drug abusers are not sufficient and lying below the international standards, a large proportion of the population exists in the specific category of People Who Inject Drugs (PWID). The recent report of UNODC has clearly mentioned more than 40% of illicit Afghan opiates are transited through Pakistan. This is the alarming situation for Pakistan and Afghanistan for massive production, transit, and bulge of drug abusers and traffickers (Imaduddin. 2017).

 Both the governments and civil societies can play a positive role in starting an effective operation, drafting bilateral anti-narcotics policies, and awareness campaigns in all sectors, respectively. This way, they can encourage a conducive environment for socio-economic conditions to make Afghanistan and Pakistan free of drug networks. Meanwhile, the Ministry of Narcotics Control may develop its protocols by following the United Nations guidelines against drug traffickers and migrants across the border, especially from the Afghan and Iran border, applicable in Pakistan.

Conclusion

It is evident from the whole discussion that primarily border dispute between Afghan and Pakistan has played a significant in giving birth to the social and economic crises. Weak border security system, porous nature, and un-demarcated points in Durand Line have provided free space to the criminal networks and gangs governing drug trafficking and smuggling in a region. With the failure on the policy level and pitfalls in law implementation, Afghanistan and Pakistan are enlisted as some of the most significant sources and transit corridors for opiates and cannabis. It is a matter of more substantial concern that Pakistan is ranked in the list of countries with a high ratio of illegal activities because of its poor border security condition and low socio-economic status. The nonflexible and impractical policies of the political leadership of both states have played a vital role in widening gaps between polities. Both countries should reevaluate their policies towards border disputes. It is an eye-opening situation; from 1947 till now, both states have to bear the loss of billions of dollars in their economy because of the absence of the mechanism for controlling large-scale illicit trade.

Moreover, 40% of drugs are entering Afghanistan and Pakistan via the border. This clearly shows the unauthorized movement of drug traffickers via porous borders. This disputed border via heavy drug influx has intensely affected the health conditions in bordering areas. 

Moreover, governments and policymakers should involve technical assistance, their institutions, and N.G.O.s, media networks, economists, academicians, writers, industrialists, social activists, journalists, and religious scholars to prevent the havoc of narco-economy. There is also a need for grand search operations to locate the networks of drug smugglers. The joint ventures of both states against the drug smugglers, starting from a street peddler to stakeholders of criminal networks, will restrict the influence of illegal activities and provide vital support to the bilateral relations of both countries. It will bring peace and harmony among Pak-Afghan political leadership and boosts people-to-people connectivity. Therefore, both sides need to formulate a framework for their mutual economic interests. It is essential to secure their border and resolve their border dispute to save their states and ordinary people from massive loss for their survival. There is also a need for joint ventures and practical policy measures to lessen the ratio of illegal trade. Until and unless the border dispute gets resolved between both states with the proper management and political settlement, it will ultimately guarantee the progress in socio-economic and security status of both states.  

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