Abstrict

The role of Political parties and politicians are indispensable for making democracy. The finding the paper is the role of political parties and the personality of the contesting candidate in shaping voting behavior in District Charsadda in the 2008 election. The focused area of the study is district Charsadda of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The data collected through a multistage sampling method in which ten union councils out of 49 were selected which 20% of the total union councils.  

Keywords

Voting Behaviour, Political Party, District Charsadda

Introduction

Strong, stable and popular political parties are an integral part of modern democracies. The primary aim of political parties is to hold the power of the government for the smooth business of the state affairs within the constitutional framework. Being an important component of a democratic setup, political parties are formed to provide a platform of participation to the people in the management of state affairs. The interaction between politicians and members of the society cannot be ignored because of the two-act like wheels of the vehicle of the state. In fact, political parties impart necessary training to those who can, later on, play their role in the conduction of state business. There are two schools of thought about the theory of party identification. One school of thought believed that partisanship affects voting behavior and the other one connecting candidate personality with voters’ preferences. Those who are in favor of the theory of party identification are Angus Campbell, Jane Jenson, Aaron C. Weinschenk, Charles H. Franklin, Andrew Wilder and John E. Jackson. Angus Campbell in his study provided a base for conducting empirical research in electoral studies and the role of party identification. Campbell argues that voting decisions are shaped long before the electoral campaign due to party affiliation and party identification. The theory has been given a psychological interpretation of voting behavior. Party identification/affiliation has been given a psychological ground to this theory (Jenson, 1975:544). It is claimed that the affective or the emotional orientation of the individual keeps him/her in affiliation to a political party. Party affiliation is acquired from the social and political environment of the voter. Political faction and resistance to opposite ideas/views are the long-term forces for partisanship and adherence with a political party (Wienschenk, 2010). These social and political determinants shape the political behavior of an individual. From time to time political and social issues, evaluation of contesting candidates and political events and issues are also the key determinants in structuring party attachment of an individual (Franklin and Jackson, 1983). The study shows that party identification is emotionally oriented, long-term and stable is shaped by exogenous socio-political elements.

There are different views about the application of the theory of the identification of a political party. Some researchers are on the opinion that this theory only applicable in established democracies likewise USA, Britain and Canada with the bi-party system. Lawrence DexDuc argued that this theory is applicable to some extent in the USA, Canada and Britain. The analysis of the empirical data of the above research work found that less than 50% of the voters remain loyal to a particular political party in Canada and the USA. However, the stability of the party loyalty in Britain was 57% (DeDuc et al, 1984). Andre Blais et al., (2001) empirical study on electoral data regarding 1996, 1997 and 1997 elections in the USA, Britain and Canada respectively shows that the voting behavior is mainly determined by partisanship. In all three countries, more than 80% of the respondents accepted that they vote for the party.

Those scholars who are against the role of the political party in shaping voting behavior argued that party identification is not emotionally-oriented, mutable and responsive to current issues and policies of the parties. The revisionists are of the view that party identification is no doubt, inherited by parents and family. However, it is a political issue that shapes the electoral preferences of the voters in elections. In other words, party identification is not a long term phenomenon and it changes in light of short term forces (current issues) in the political arena (Niemi and Jennings, 1991).   Richard G. Niemi and M. Kent Jennings also discard the idea of party identification in electoral politics.

In Pakistan, party affiliation is one of the voting determinant but not the major and only determinant that overshadow other determinants of voting behavior. Wilder in his study considers party identification as the most important determinant in urban Punjab in 1993 elections (Wilder, 1999:188). In Charsadda, it is also important to highlight its significance in electoral politics. The study argues that party identification is not applicable in the electoral politics of District Charsadda. The personality of the contesting candidate is also playing a key role in shaping voting behavior in District Charsadda.

Political Party System in Pakistan

There are two laws regulating political parties in Pakistan both devised by military rulers. The first one enforced in 1962 by General M. Ayub Khan which was later amended by another military ruler, General Zia Ul Haq in 1979, and the Political Parties Order 2002 was promulgated by General Pervez Musharraf in 2002. With the imposition of the first martial law in 1958, political parties in Pakistan became a target of the military rulers. General Ayub Khan banned all political parties in 1958. After four years he introduced the system of Basic Democracy and in 1962 the Political Parties Act was promulgated to allow political parties under a formal regulatory framework. General Zia also banned political activities of political parties in 1977 and amended the Political Parties Act in 1979 to start registration of political parties with a mandatory submission of their accounts to the Election Commission of Pakistan. The requirement for registration of political parties existed until 1988, when the Supreme Court of Pakistan in the Benazir Bhutto case (PLD 1988 SC 416) struck it down, ruling that it was against the fundamental rights enshrined in the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan (Idea, 2013).

General Pervez Musharraf regulated political parties and that shaped the political landscape, also came up with a Political Parties Order (PPO) on 28th June 2002. The flaw of this authoritarian law is that the law-giver himself has never been part of any political party in the country. Though the word registration does not figure in the PPO 2002, the law lists certain preconditions (including holding internal elections) for obtaining an election symbol from the Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP). Through Legal Framework Order-2002 (LFO) and 17th Amendment, the PPO 2002 has been kept in the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution of Pakistan. According to Article 268 (2) of the Constitution, the laws specified in the Sixth Schedule cannot be altered, repealed or amended without the previous sanction of the President of Pakistan.

Political parties have mushroomed in Pakistan. Every shade of political opinion or religious/sectarian denomination is now organized as a fully-fledged party. According to the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan, there is no condition as to the minimum membership or votes’ threshold for a political party. In the 2008 election over One Hundred Forty-Four (144) political parties submit their internal election certificates and annual income and expenditure statements to ECP and qualify for an election symbol. Sixty-two (62) parties stood for the last 2002 general election and sixteen (16) parties and two (2) alliances obtained representation in the National Assembly; Twelve (12) parties and two alliances won seats in the Senate and a few more in the provincial assemblies. This is the highest number of political parties to reach the representative institutions in Pakistan. Interestingly, seven out of 16 are single legislator parties in the National Assembly. The increasing number of political parties shows that people are interested in political parties and they support political parties rather than independent candidates. Likewise other districts of Pakistan, district Charsadda politically fertile. Khudai Khidmatgar movement and Awami National Party (ANP) a Pakhtun nationalist party originated from Charsadda. Besides that Qawmi Watan Party also originated from Charsadda. The people of Charsadda politically active and they always support political values and democratic culture. On the basis of the arguments, we can say that voting behavior is a strong influence by party affiliation.

Methodology

It is a common practice to use survey questionnaires to know public opinion and political behavior. Paul Lasersfeld was the first political scientist who introduced the survey method for data collection in the 1940s. On the basis of this justification, the researcher had been collecting data through a survey questionnaire. Data had been collected through multi-stage random sampling. The population of the study was the registered voters of district Charsadda. The total number of registered voters in Charsadda as per elections 2007-08 was 520779 divided into 49 Union Councils. To get a representative sample size, and overall 500 (250 male and 250 Female respondents) voters were selected on the basis of a multi-stage sample technique given below:

• First Stage: In stage one, an overall 20% Union Councils were selected out of a 49 total which means 10 Union Councils. These ten Union Councils were randomly selected. 

• Second Stage: In stage two, about 50 (25 male and 25 female) voters were randomly selected from each selected Union Council. But the majority of female respondents did not return questionnaires due to socio-cultural and religious constraints. As a result, 336 (the response was above 60% that is enough and justified) respondents returned their questionnaires. 

Voters’ Opinion about the Political Parties in Coming Elections

Political parties are the cornerstone of modern-day democracy. There are large numbers of different political parties in Pakistan which can be broadly categorized as secular, religious, ethnic and regional. These political parties use different tactics and techniques to win elections. Sometimes they raise local issues and international issues to attract voters’ attention. Over the years, the disenchantment of the public with the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and Awami National Party (ANP) has increased because of widespread charges of corruption and nepotism. Now, a substantial percentage of voters have withdrawn their support from these political parties. Therefore, voters generally look for a new political platform for the trail. It is argued that voters in Pakistan generally and particularly in Charsadda supporting political parties. On the other hand, voters are free to elect and there is no restriction on their choice to vote for a particular party. The Constitution of Pakistan provides political rights to every adult of 18 years to participate in national politics. Elections are the biggest event in which a large number of citizens participate. Those voters who are consecutively supporting a single political party in two elections are called partisan voters (Shah, 2019). The voters’ perception of the political parties is discussed below under the influence of various controlled variables. 




Gender Consideration and Party Affiliation 

According to J.S. Mill, “if all mankind were of one opinion, and only one person were of the contrary opinion, then mankind would not be justified in silencing that one person, than he/she if he/she had the power, would be justified in silencing mankind” (Mill, 2007, p.65). In a democratic setup, male and female citizens have equal rights and hence, need not be refrained to stay at a single place. As far as gender is concerned, a majority of male respondents favored PTI to come into power in the next elections, followed by female respondents who favored of PTI to come into government in the next general elections. Out of all data, the highest ratio of females for PPP was is 26(66.7%). The main cause of this support was the Benazir Income Support Program (BISP); a program through which a lot of poor women receive a monthly stipend. The results presented that the majority of the respondents supporting political parties. The chi-square test result provides significant p-value. The p-value<0.05 reveals that gender consideration plays an important role in extending support to a political party for coming into power.




Table 1. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Which party you preferred to form a government?”

Answers: Gender	Male	Female	Total
PTI	55 (77.5%)	16 (22.5%)	71 (100%)
PPPS	22 (95.7%)	1 (4.3%)	23(100%)
JI	17 (56.7%)	13 (43.3%)	30 (100%)
PPP	13 (33.3%)	26 (66.7%)	39 (100%)
ANP	15 (62.5%)	9 (37.5%)	24 (100%)
PMLN	11 (68.8%)	5 (31.2%)	16 (100%)
Martial Law	1 (100%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)
JUI	10 (62.5%)	6 (37.5%)	16 (100%)
PMAP	1 (100%)	1 (100%)	1 (100%)
Undecided	59 (51.3%)	56 (48.7%)	115 (100%)
Total	204 (60.7%)	132        (39.3%)	336 (100%)

Chi square test=38.637, p-value=0.000

Age Consideration and Party Affiliation

Strong party loyalties influence the voters’ decision irrespective of their level of political awareness. Aged voters have a lot of experience with the political parties. Therefore, their decision is different from youth. Age coupled with experience did shape the voting behavior of individuals.

Among the respondents of different age groups, a majority were in favor of PTI, followed by a sizeable percentage of respondents who supported Benazir Bhutto’s PPP. Among the respondents of different age groups, those supporting ANP constituted 24% out of these the majority hailed from the age group 18-30 years. The percentage of supporters of other political parties is divided into various age groups of respondents is given in the above table. The chi-square test result provides insignificant p-value. The p-value>0.05 shows that age factor does not shape the choice of an individual to support a particular political party.




Table 2. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Which party you preferred to form a government?”

Answers: Age	8-30	31-40	41-50	Above 50	Total
PTI	37 (52.1 %)	20 (28.2%)	9 (12.7%)	5 (7%)	71 (100%)
PPPS	8 (34.8%)	7 (30.4%)	4 (17.4%)	4 (17.4%)	23 (100%)
JI	6 (20%)	12 (40%)	8 (26.7%)	4 (13.3%)	30 (100%)
PPP	12 (30.8%)	10 (25.6%)	9 (23%)	8 (20.5%)	39 (100%)
ANP	10 (41.7%)	8 (33.3%)	5 (20.8%)	1(4.2%)	24 (100%)
PMLN	9 (56.2%)	2 (12.5%)	3 (18.8%)	2 (12.5%)	16 (100%)
Martial Law	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)
JUI	5 (31.2%)	6 (37.5%)	3 (18.8%)	2 (12.5%)	16 (100%)
PMAP	1 (100%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)
Undecided	29 (25.2%)	34 (29.6%)	28 (24.3%)	24 (20.9%)	115 (100%)
Total	117 (34.8%)	99 (29.5%)	70 (20.8%)	50 (14.9%)	336(100%)

Chi square test=35.174, p-value=0.135




Educational Consideration and Party Affiliation

An educated person has more knowledge about the political system of his country, compared to an illiterate person. He acquires awareness about the political system through the reading newspaper, watching television and other reading materials. Therefore, he supports that political party which, in his opinion, has a sound strategy, for the betterment of the country.

Among the respondents having different educational backgrounds, a large number of Master’s degree holders were in favor of the PTI government, followed by illiterate in favor of the PTI government. A large number of illiterate favored PPP again in the next government. After the PTI, the second position was that of the PPP(S), and the third position went to Jamaat-i-Islami. The chi-square test result provides significant p-value. The p-value<0.05 described that education is an important variable in the selection of a political party.

Table 3. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Which party you preferred to form a government?”

Answers: Education	Primary	Middle	Matric	Intermediate	Bachelor	Master	Others	Illiterate	total
PTI	5 (7%)	7 (9.9%)	11 (15.5%)	9 (12.7%)	5 (7%)	22 (31%)	0 (.0%)	12 (16.9%)	71 (100%)
PPPS	2 (8.7%)	2 (8.7%)	6 (26.1%)	2 (8.7%)	1 (4.3%)	1 (4.3%)	0 (.0%)	9 (39.1%)	23 (100%)
JI	5 (16.7%)	3 (10%)	6 (20%)	5 (16.7%)	2 (6.7%)	3 (10%)	0 (.0%)	6 (20%)	30 (100%)
PPP	3 (7.7%)	1 (2.6%)	3 (7.7%)	6 (15.4%)	2 (5.1%)	2 (5.1%)	0 (.0%)	22 (56.4%)	39 (100%)
ANP	0 (.0%)	3 (12.5%)	3 (12.5%)	6 (25%)	7 (29.2%)	2 (8.3%)	1 (4.2%)	2 (8.3%)	24 (100%)
PMLN	1 (6.2%)	0 (.0%)	3 (18.8%)	2 (12.5%)	3 (18.8%)	2 (12.5%)	0 (.0%)	5 (31.2%)	16 (100%)
Martial Law	1 (100%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)
JUI	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (6.2%)	2 (12.5%)	3 (18.8%)	4 (25%)	0 (.0%)	6 (37.5%)	6 (100%)
PMAP	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)
Undecided	7 (6.1%)	7 (6.1%)	17 (14.8%)	8 (7%)	11 (9.6%)	22 (19.1%)	1 (.9%)	42 (36.5%)	115 (100%)
Total	24 (7.1%)	23 (6.8%)	50 (14.9%)	40 (11.9%)	34 (10.1%)	59 (17.6%)	2 (.6%)	104 (31%)	336 (100%)

Chi square test=98.452, p-value=0.003

Professional Consideration and Party Affiliation

The individuals belong to different professions and support only those political parties and candidates who perform their duties honestly. Parties failing to fulfill their duties cannot hope to win elections in the future. Political parties losing the trust of the professional voters in the constituency would have little prospects of winning the elections.

Among the different professional groups of respondents, a majority of the government servants were in favor of the PTI. The second position was held by the PPP(S), followed by JI and the rest as given in the above table. A nominal number of respondents did not mention the name of any political party. The chi-square test result provides significant p-value. The p-value<0.05 described that professions play an important role in shaping the support of an individual for a given political party. 

   

Table 4. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Which party you preferred to form a government?”

Answers: Professions	Government Servant	Non- government servant	labor	Businessmen and shopkeepers	Unemployed	agriculture	Mulana	Housewives	Total
PTI	18 (25.4%)	8 (11.3%)	8 (11.3%)	7 (9.9%)	9 (12.7%)	11 (15.5%)	0 (.0%)	10 (14.1%)	71 (100%)
PPPS	4 (17.4%)	1 (4.3%)	5 (21.7%)	5 (21.7%)	1 (4.3%)	7 (30.4%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	23 (100%)
JI	4 (13.3%)	0 (.0%)	3 (10%)	4 (13.3%)	3 (10%)	5 (16.7)	0 (.0%)	11 (36.7%)	30 (100%)
PPPP	7 (17.9%)	0 (.0%)	2 (5.1%)	2 (5.1%)	2 (5.1%)	6 (15.4%)	0 (.0%)	20 (51.3%)	39 (100%)
ANP	10 (41.7%)	3 (12.5%)	2 (8.3%)	1 (4.2%)	3 (12.5%)	2 (8.3%)	1 (4.2%)	2 (8.3%)	24 (100%)
PMLN	2 (12.5%)	1 (6.2%)	1 (6.2%)	2 (12.5%)	2 (12.5%)	5 (31.2%)	0 (.0%)	3 (18.8%)	16 (100%)
MartialLaw	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%) ()	1 (100%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)
JUI	2 (12.5%)	1 (6.2%)	1 (6.2%)	2 (12.5%)	3 (18.8%)	1 (6.2%)	1 (6.2%)	5 (31.2%)	16 (100%)
PMAP	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)
Undecided	35 (30.4%)	3 (2.6%)	8 (7%)	6 (5.2%)	5 (4.3%)	16 (13.9%)	4 (3.5%)	38 (33%)	115 (100%)
Total	82 (24.4%)	17 (5.1%)	30 (8.9%)	29 (8.6%)	29 (8.6%)	54 (16.1%)	6 (1.8%)	89 (26.5%)	336 (100%)

Chi square test=1.0112, p-value=0.002

Income Consideration and Party Affiliation

The economic demands of an individual include the desire for high living standards, better employment opportunities, and social security benefits. Each income group has its own interests. Differences in wealth and possessions, in the economic outlook, and the economic conditions are the vital considerations for supporting a political party. A large number of respondents (47.9%) belonging to different monthly income groups who did not mention their monthly income, were in favor of PTI, followed by those of the monthly income of 5000 to 10000 and 11000 to 20000 who also desired PTI to win the next general elections. The percentage of respondents with different monthly incomes and supporting parties such as PPP(S), JI the rest was marginal. While a significant number of government servants and housewives undecided to favor any political party in the coming election. According to public servants rules government employees are not allowed to have any political party membership. Mostly housewives are limited to household activities and the majority are illiterate therefore they did not show their affiliation to any political party. A small number of respondents did not represent any political party. The chi-square test result provides significant p-value. The p-value<0.05 presents the importance of monthly income on individuals, choice towards a political party in the next election. 

Table 5. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Which party you preferred to form a government?”

Monthly income	5000 to 10000	11000 to 20000	21000 to 30000	Above 31000	Sorry	Total
PTI	15 (21.1%)	15 (21.1%)	4 (5.6%)	3 (4.2%)	34 (47.9%)	71 (100%)
PPPS	5 (21.1%)	3 (13%)	2 (8.7%)	0 (.0%)	13 (56.5%)	23 (100%)
JI	10 (33.3%)	5 (16.7%)	1 (3.3%)	0 (.0%)	14 (46.7%)	30 (100%)
PPPP	10 (25.6%)	2 (5.1%)	1 (2.6%)	0 (.0%)	26 (66.7%)	39 (100%)
ANP	4 (16.7%)	10 (41.7%)	2 (8.3%)	0 (.0%)	8 (33.3%)	24 (100%)
PMLN	4 (25%)	3 (18.8%)	1 (6.2%)	0 (.0%)	8 (50%)	16 (100%)
Martial Law	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)	1 (100%)
JUI	4 (25%)	2 (12.5%)	0 (.0%)	1 (6.2%)	9 (56.2%)	16 (100%)
PMAP	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	0 (.0%)	1 (100%)	1 (100%)
Undecided	9 (7.8%)	11 (9.6%)	5 (4.3%)	2 (1.7%)	88 (76.5%)	115 (100%)
Total	61 (18.2%)	51 (15.2%)	16 (4.8%)	6 (1.8%)	202 (60.1%)	336 (100%)

Voters’ Opinion about the Elected Candidate

Berger et al, (2006) stated that “Voting decision is one of the most important choices of an individual during election days. The major factors taken into account on such occasions include the ability of a political party to govern the state efficiently and the credibility to allocate and utilize national resources fairly and honestly. Voters often do not have the time to carefully study all of the issues; however, they often rely on informational cues”. After the 2008 elections in Pakistan, voters were enthusiastic to elect a representative government after Musharraf’s dictatorship came to an end. The voters had a lot of expectations from the newly established government. But it soon appeared that much of their expectations will not come true in the opinion of the manner in which the central government was functioning. An efficient candidate is one who is familiar with people’s problems, designs good programs and lunches developmental works (like the construction of roads, schools, streets etc.) and is also free from corruption. Candidates who do not possess such qualities cannot hope to win elections. Besides that those voter who is satisfied with their previous election decision is considered partisan voters. Those voters who are not satisfied maybe switch to another political party in the coming election or continue their support to the same political party. To know the opinion of voters, a question was asked, whether they were satisfied with the performance of the elected candidates. Age, gender, education, profession and economic position reflected the diverse answers of the respondents. The impact of these controlled variables on the viewpoint of respondents was clearly visible from the manner in which they assessed the performance of MNAs and MPAs elected by them. 

Gender Consideration and Satisfaction level 

It is natural that female voters give more preferences to the female candidate. The logic is that a female candidate understands the needs and problems of women more than a male candidate. The female voters trust a female candidate just like male voters trusting male candidates. Among the male respondents, a majority (65.8%) were not satisfied at all with the efficiency of their elected representatives. A large number of female respondents were satisfied with the elected candidates’ performance. In a nutshell, it can be concluded that majority of the respondents were satisfied with the efficiency of their elected representatives. The chi-square test result provides significant p-value. The p-value<0.05 presents the role of gender has key role to know about the performance of a candidate.

Table 6. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Are you satisfied with the performance of your elected representative?”

Answers	Gender		Total
	Male	Female
Absolutely not	79	41	120
	(65.8%)	(34.2%)	(100.0%)
Not wholly satisfied	20	7	27
	(74.1%)	(25.9%)	(100.0%)
Satisfied to some extent	45	24	69
	(65.2%)	(34.8%)	(100.0%)
Satisfied wholly	16	4	20
	(80.0%)	(20.0%)	(100.0%)
No idea	36	56	92
	(39.1%)	(60.9%)	(100.0%)
Total	196	132	328
	(59.8%)	(40.2%)	(100.0%)

Chi square test result=24.684, p-value=0.000

Age Consideration and Satisfaction Level

There are different parameters for the measurement of the performance of elected representatives. So far as the age factor is concerned, the older people have their own way of assessing the performance of candidate while the youngsters have their own. In order to be a successful candidate from a constituency, satisfying the urges of the local population is a pre-requisite.

As far as age is concerned, the majority of the respondents falling in the age group of 31 to 40 years were not satisfied to a major extent, followed by a large number of respondents in the age group of 18 to 30 years. Some of the respondents (44%) of age group 18 to 30 years were not satisfied with the efficiency of their elected representatives, followed by another category of respondents in the age group of 31 to 40 years who expressed their dissatisfaction with the performance of their elected representatives. The chi-square test result provides insignificant p-value. The p-value>0.05 shows that age hasn’t any role to give a vote on the basis of the performance of the candidate. 

Table 7. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Are you satisfied with the performance of your elected representative?”

Answers	Age				Total
	18-30	31-40	41-50	above 50
Absolutely not	42	36	23	19	120
	(35.0%)	(30.0%)	(19.2%)	(15.8%)	(100%)
Not wholly satisfied	12	8	4	3	27
	(44.4%)	(29.6%)	(14.8%)	(11.1%)	(100%)
Satisfied to some extent	29	19	14	7	69
	(42.0%)	(27.5%)	(20.3%)	(10.1%)	(100%)
Satisfied wholly	6	7	5	2	20
	(30.0%)	(35.0%)	(25.0%)	(10.0%)	(100%)
No idea	24	26	24	18	92
	(26.1%)	(28.3%)	(26.1%)	(19.6%)	(100%)
Total	113	96	70	49	328
	(34.5%)	(29.3%)	(21.3%)	(14.9%)	(100%)

Chi square test result=9.249, p-value=0.682

Educational Consideration and Satisfaction Level

Indeed, it is education that enables an elected representative to serve his community as per their expectations and formulate laws keeping in view the will of the people. Among the respondents having different education levels, majority of illiterate (32.5%) were not satisfied at all with the efficiency of their elected representatives, followed by Master’s degree holders (17.5%) who expressed their dissatisfaction. A small number of Bachelor degree holders, intermediate and matriculate were not satisfied from the efficiency of their elected representatives. The chi square test result provides highly significant p-value. The p-value<0.05 illustrates that education playing a key role in the choice of voters for electing a candidate to the assembly.




Table 8. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Are you satisfied with performance of your elected representative?”

Answers	Education								Total
	Primary	Middle	SSC	HSSC	BA/Sc	MA/Sc	Others	Illiterate
Absolutely not	14	6	13	13	13	21	1	39	120
	(11.7%)	(5.0%)	(10.8%)	(10.8%)	(10.8%)	(17.5%)	(.8%)	(32.5%)	(100%)
Not wholly satisfied	0	4	5	4	4	8	0	2	27
	(.0%)	(14.8%)	(18.5%)	(14.8%)	(14.8%)	(29.6%)	(.0%)	(7.4%)	(100%)
Satisfied to some extent	1	6	12	13	11	14	1	11	69
	(1.4%)	(8.7%)	(17.4%)	(18.8%)	(15.9%)	(20.3%)	(1.4%)	(15.9%)	(100%)
Satisfied wholly	2	0	4	6	1	2	0	5	20
	(10.0%)	(.0%)	(20.0%)	(30.0%)	(5.0%)	(10.0%)	(.0%)	(25.0%)	(100%)
No idea	7	7	14	4	5	10	0	45	92
	(7.6%)	(7.6%)	(15.2%)	(4.3%)	(5.4%)	(10.9%)	(.0%)	(48.9%)	(100%)
Total	24	23	48	40	34	55	2	102	328
	(7.3%)	(7.0%)	(14.6%)	(12.2%)	(10.4%)	(16.8%)	(.6%)	(31.1%)	(100%)

Chi square test=60.621, p-value=0.000

Professional Consideration and Satisfaction Level

People belonging to different professions (labourers, businessmen, government servants, doctors, engineers, lawyers, architects, carpenters etc.) keep those candidates in high esteem who enthusiastically take up their cause and struggle for the solution of problems bothering these professional classes of people. 

Among the respondents of different professional groups, a significant number of housewives were satisfied at all with the efficiency of their elected representatives, followed by a large number of respondents engaged in farming and government service were not satisfied with the efficiency of their elected representatives. The chi square test result provides highly significant p-value. The p-value<0.05 shows that professional affiliation of the voters plays an important role in their assessment of the abilities of elected representatives.

Table 9. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Are you satisfied with performance of your elected representative?”

Answers	Profession Name								Total
	Government Servant	Non- government servant	Labour	Businessmen and shopkeepers	Un-employed	Agriculture	Mulana	House wives
Absolutely not	23	6	13	11	12	23	1	31	120
	(19.2%)	(5.0%)	(10.8%)	(9.2%)	(10.0%)	(19.2%)	(.8%)	(25.8%)	(100.0%)
Not wholly satisfied	9	3	2	5	3	3	1	1	27
	(33.3%)	(11.1%)	(7.4%)	(18.5%)	(11.1%)	(11.1%)	(3.7%)	(3.7%)	(100.0%)
Satisfied to some extent	26	5	3	7	5	9	3	11	69
	(37.7%)	(7.2%)	(4.3%)	(10.1%)	(7.2%)	(13.0%)	(4.3%)	(15.9%)	(100.0%)
Satisfied wholly	2	2	4	2	5	3	0	2	20
	(10.0%)	(10.0%)	(20.0%)	(10.0%)	(25.0%)	(15.0%)	(.0%)	(10.0%)	(100.0%)
No idea	20	0	6	4	3	14	1	44	92
	(21.7%)	(.0%)	(6.5%)	(4.3%)	(3.3%)	(15.2%)	(1.1%)	(47.8%)	(100.0%)
Total	80	16	28	29	28	52	6	89	328
	(24.4%)	(4.9%)	(8.5%)	(8.8%)	(8.5%)	(15.9%)	(1.8%)	(27.1%)	(100.0%)

Chi square test=69.748, p-value=0.000

Income Consideration and Satisfaction Level

Our society is divided into different economic classes; having different positions upon their wealth. Upper class is enjoying the luxuries of life, while lower classes of the society still strive for basic needs. The middle income class is living in-between upper and lower income class. The upper class has more money due to their eagerness while the people of the lower class and middle class life income level are below upper class.

The majority of the respondents (56.7%) who did not mention their monthly income, were not satisfied at all with the efficiency of their elected leaders, followed by a large number of respondents (20.8%) earning 5000 to 10000 rupees monthly. Some of the respondents who had 5000 to 10000 rupees monthly income were satisfied to a large extent with the efficiency of their elected representatives. The chi square test result provides significant p-value. The p-value<0.05 presents that monthly income plays an important role in the respondents approach to determine the level of efficiency of their elected representatives.

Table 10. Views of the respondents with regard to the question, “Are you satisfied with performance of your elected representative?”

Answers	Monthly Income					Total
	5000 to 10000	11000 to 20000	21000 to 30000	Above 31000	Sorry
Absolutely not	25	19	6	2	68	120
	(20.8%)	(15.8%)	(5.0%)	(1.7%)	(56.7%)	(100.0%)
Not wholly satisfied	4	4	0	2	17	27
	(14.8%)	(14.8%)	(.0%)	(7.4%)	(63.0%)	(100.0%)
Satisfied to some extent	14	11	9	2	33	69
	(20.3%)	(15.9%)	(13.0%)	(2.9%)	(47.8%)	(100.0%)
Satisfied wholly	9	3	0	0	8	20
	(45.0%)	(15.0%)	(.0%)	(.0%)	(40.0%)	(100.0%)
No idea	8	11	1	0	72	92
	(8.7%)	(12.0%)	(1.1%)	(.0%)	(78.3%)	(100.0%)
Total	60	48	16	6	198	328
	(18.3%)	(14.6%)	(4.9%)	(1.8%)	(60.4%)	(100.0%)

Chi square test=43.717, p-value=0.000

Conclusion

Political parties are significantly important to strengthen democratic system in developing societies. The key function of Political parties is to articulate the interest of people. Political parties try to promote and fulfill their interests while running the governments. The voters also support party candidates in election in return for personal, family or community interests. This is why political parties are growing up in Pakistan in general and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in particular. The study identified that party affiliation is an important determinant of voting behaviour in general elections. The smooth democratization process is a symbol developing party membership. Another important factor of the growth of political parties in Pakistan is voters trust on political parties. Now voters know that strong political parties can run properly the state affairs. 

The analysis of the data shows that majority of respondents are partisan voters. To identify partisan voters, two variables are tested. In the first variable the researcher tested the voters’ affiliation with a political party. That revealed majority respondents support to different political parties. While a partisan voter is that who support the same political party in the next election. Therefore researcher asked about the performance of a candidate which was supported in previous election. The analysis of the data shows that majority of the respondents in district Charsadda supporting political parties. As a result it is proved that party identification is an important determinant in shaping voting preferences in Charsadda. 

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