<?xml version="1.0" encoding="UTF-8"?>
<OAI-PMH xmlns="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/OAI-PMH.xsd">
<responseDate>2026-08-03T05:30:08Z</responseDate>
<request verb="ListRecords">https://gprjournal.com/oai/?metadataPrefix=oai_dc&amp;verb=ListRecords</request>
<ListRecords>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392279</identifier>
<datestamp>2016-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan and India Relations: A Political Analysis of Conflicts and Regional Security in South Asia</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zahid Yaseen</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iqra Jathol</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Muzaffar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan And India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflicts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Issues</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan and India are two immediate neighbors having common history and culture; in this way, they should have the warmest ties, but their relationships have remained hostile all the time. Kashmir is very important between the two states, over which three main wars have been fought between them. Despite some important and effective peace initiatives, the main problems in maintaining the bitter taste in bilateral relations remain unresolved. Pakistan has always been pleased to suggest mitigating measures, but Indias response is generally not so good. Today, more than 70 years after independence, both Pakistan and India are not concerned for solving long lasting issues like the Kashmir issue, and water issue. Peace process and stability in South Asia lies between the two major countries. So, South Asian regional security structure is affected by the two main players of this region because they cannot find a peaceful solution of lingering issues.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer,Department of Political Science,Govt. Post Graduate College Gujranwala, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M Phil Scholar, International Relations,Mnihaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,  Department of Politics &amp; IR,International Islamabad University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2016-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Pakistan-and-India-Relations-A-Political-Analysis-of-Conflicts-and-Regional-Security-in-South-Asia</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(I-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392280</identifier>
<datestamp>2016-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring Options of Rapprochement with Taliban on the Perpetual State of War in Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Bilal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Usman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>War on Terror</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>constructive engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rapprochement</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghanistan since the Soviet Invasion in 1979 and later by the USA in 2001 on the pretext of Global War on Terrorism (WoT) has remained in a perpetual state of war even after the collapse of the USSR and before US invasion. The fragile state with a lack of central government and dysfunctional state institutions has created serious international and regional security issues with an influx of refugees, drugs, and above all terrorism. The instability in Afghanistan has created national security problems for Pakistan and despite enormous sacrifices and instability, Pakistan is in the eye of storms for not doing enough despite US active military presence. The USs willingness to engage the Taliban for an honorable exit strategy and ensuring that the government in Afghanistan is more representative, are in fact positive signals which need to be capitalized by engaging all parties to the conflict.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of IR, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Senior Research Fellow,Humanity Research Council,Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Junior Research Fellow, Humanity Research Council,Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2016-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Exploring-Options-of-Rapprochement-with-Taliban-on-the-Perpetual-State-of-War-in-Afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(I-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392281</identifier>
<datestamp>2016-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Economic Viability of Gwadar Port: An Economic Hub for Maritime Trade</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hikmat Shah Afridi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sumayya Bibi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Muhammad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Balochistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sea</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gwadar Port</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CARs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Natural Resources</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geostrategic</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Gwadar Port is the mega project of ongoing developmental projects in Balochistan which is shaping the economy of the World. The port is creating opportunities and possibilities for promoting regional and international shipping and it will resuscitate trade links between China and CARs being the closest route to warm waters. Gwadar Port has vast region to influence; stretching up to several breakaway states of the former Soviet Union in the north, to Iran, the Gulf, the Middle East and East Africa in the west, to India and Sri Lanka in the south. Moreover, this deep port is serving the Gulf and East African ports with fast feeder services. It has deep-water sea complementary to Karachi and Bin Qasim ports for enhancing cargo shipments and therefore it will be a mother port for Asia in the coming years.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD,Department of Politics &amp; IR,International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Political Science,University of Kebangsaan, Selangor, Malaysia</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2016-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/The-Economic-Viability-of-Gwadar-Port-An-Economic-Hub-for-Maritime-Trade</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(I-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392282</identifier>
<datestamp>2016-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Socio-Economic and Political Causes of Child Labor: The Case of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zubaida Zafar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Isra Sarwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Imran Haider</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Socio-economic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Child Labor</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Child labor is the growing curse in the world particularly in the developing countries and Pakistan is also the victim of this growing global phenomenon because of multiple reasons behind which encourage intentionally or unintentionally the dilemma of child labor. Child labor had multiple side effects that disturb the social fabric of the society and its growing statistics alarms the government of Pakistan to take the most possible and appropriate measures to combat this curse. This paper attempts to highlight the socioeconomic and political causes of child labor and had the objective to investigate the problem by applying mix methods of research using the convergent technique to get the real essence of the study with the multi-perspective lens. The study also provides recommendations along with the statistics to the policymakers for legislation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Centre for South Asian Studies,  University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Centre for South Asian Studies,University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Sociology, Social Work and Population Studies, Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2016-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Socio-Economic-and-Political-Causes-of-Child-Labor-The-Case-of-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(I-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392283</identifier>
<datestamp>2016-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Ulema and the Freedom Struggle for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Wajid Mehmood</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Ulama</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Freedom Struggle</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Darul Uloom-i-Deoband</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jamiat Ulama-i-Hind</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jamaat-i-Islami</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the freedom struggle in British India, Ulama had played a significant role. Ranging from the socio-cultural guidance of the Muslims to leading them politically, they played their role actively in every sphere of life. Starting their active political role in British India in 1803, Ulama continued their struggle till 1947. Darul Uloom-i-Deoband, apparently a religious seminary, was built for the revitalization of Muslim society in India. The Ulama were the pioneers, who initiated the very idea of freedom from the imperial power. The tenderness, dynamism, and catholicity which was created in this movement, in fact, was due to the unending and countless struggle of the Ulama. It is an undeniable fact that the independence movement and the history of the Indo-Pak subcontinent are so mixed-up with the history of Ulama and religious personalities that it is now difficult to separate one from another</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Political Science,University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Pakistan Studies,National University of Modem Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2016-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Ulema-and-the-Freedom-Struggle-for-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(I-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392284</identifier>
<datestamp>2016-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Partisanship and Voting Behavior: A Case Study of General Election 2008 in District Charsadda</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hassan Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Jan Alam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sumbal Jameel</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Voting Behaviour</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Party</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>District Charsadda</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The role of Political parties and politicians are indispensable for making democracy. The finding the paper is the role of political parties and the personality of the contesting candidate in shaping voting behavior in District Charsadda in the 2008 election. The focused area of the study is district Charsadda of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The data collected through a multistage sampling method in which ten union councils out of 49 were selected which 20% of the total union councils.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Political Science,Department of Political Science,University of Buner, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar,Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2016-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Partisanship-and-Voting-Behavior-A-Case-Study-of-General-Election-2008-in-District-Charsadda</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(I-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392285</identifier>
<datestamp>2016-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan (1998-2015)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shaista Taj</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahir Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Manzoor Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Civilian</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dictatorship</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan remained under military domination for about 32 years (1958-1971,1977-1988 and 1999 to 2008). The perpetual influence of military overshadowed the civilian in one way or the other. To analyze civil-military nexus accurately, it is necessary to assess how both civil and military leaders handle policy discrepancies between them. The entire concept of the overall civil-military nexus is broadly based on the fact of how to assure civil control over the military. During Musharrafs regime, various nonmilitary practices with the vested interest of the military as a priority encouraged the military greatly while the civilians were kept in the background. But in spite of such defiance towards the army, a sound political leadership could not be brought forward to stand against military power and to keep them confined to their barracks. The civilian power that has governed the country encompasses two families monopoly i.e. the Bhutto and Sharif</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Poiltical Science,Women University Swabi, Swabi, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Poiltical Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant ProfessorDepartment of Poiltical Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2016-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Civil-Military-Relations-in-Pakistan-1998-2015</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2016(I-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 1, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392286</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Iranian Nuclear Deal: Challenges for Regional and Global Strategic Management</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Jawad Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Peaceful nuclear program</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>nuclear proliferation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>the nuclear deal</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Reza Shah Pahlavi laid the foundations of the Iranian nuclear quest in the 1950s by getting nuclear assistance under reciprocal arrangements in the US-sponsored Atom for Peace program. Iran is a signatory of the NonProliferation Treaty (NPT) since 1970, and by their perspective, all protocols under NPT have fully complied. The 1979 revolution in Iran proved a watershed in relations with the USA due to the hostage crisis and increased hostility, which resulted in economic sanctions and isolation. However, Iran covertly pursued its nuclear program, which remained the subject of international debate until the nuclear deal of 2015 aimed at limiting Irans nuclear capability for the lifting of sanctions and breaking isolation. On 16 January 2016, in response to Irans compliance with the provisions of the nuclear deal, all nuclear-related sanctions were lifted. President Trump since taking over office has repeatedly criticized the agreement and decertified it unilaterally. This article analyses implications on regional and global strategic management.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of IR, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Director Research, Department of ISSRA,NDU, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ministry of Interior,Government of Pakistan,  Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Iranian-Nuclear-Deal-Challenges-for-Regional-and-Global-Strategic-Management</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392287</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s Strategic Insufficiency as a Dilemma for the Regional Integration</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hikmat Shah Afridi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shabana Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sobia Jamil</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Integration Chahbahar</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gwadar</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Deficiencies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Strategic Competition</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Chahbahar, being part of an Indian grand design is playing its role for counter weighing to Gwadar Port whereas it also provides India with easy access to Afghanistan and CARs. On the other hand, Pakistans geo-political positioning has been revolving around its anomalous and eccentric relations with various states. The prime rationale for state relations and relevant alliances with states was to maintain harmony with neighboring countries but during world wars, entente meant fighting your brothers war. In this context, Pakistans acceptance by the world was relatively slower and its take-ups in making friends, in the political playland were much tricky. Pakistan was wary with the former USSR whereas the compliance to the US backfired on many occasions gradually made Pakistan withdraw from its upclose position with the US, therefore now it is time to make independent and rational decisions but yet in the best national interests.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD,Department of International Relation, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar,Qurtaba University of Science and Information Technology,DI Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Faculty of Law,nternational Relations, University Sultan Zainal Abidin, Terengganu, Malaysia.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistans-strategic-insufficiency-as-a-dilemma-for-the-regional-integration-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392288</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indian Response to Chinese String of Pearls Doctrine</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ijaz Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shaukat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Azka Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>String of Pearls</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indian Ocean Region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The paper explores the origin and analysis of the so-called Beijings String of Pearls doctrine that refers to the Strait of Malacca, Bangladesh, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Pakistan, the Maldives, the Strait of Hormuz, Sudan, Kenya, Somalia and IOR. The paper further elaborated on the Indian response to the Chinese String of Pearls Doctrine by countering through Indian Act East Policy, investing in the Iranian Chabahar port and by developing Indo-Pacific alliance with Japan and the USA. This piece of the paper concluded that the Chinese investment in all these ports, islands and chokepoints are a counter strategy to the Malacca Dilemma and to ensure the Beijing Sea lanes of Communication. The study found that the Chinese never used or declared a policy statement about the String of Pearl policy and originally it was coined by the U.S. consulting firm Booz Allen Hamilton and got popularity with publication in Energy Futures in Asia.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Sciences, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer,Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar,  Department of International Relations,COMSATS, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Indian-Response-to-Chinese-String-of-Pearls-Doctrine</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392289</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>SAARC: An Evaluation of its Achievements, Failures, and Compulsion for Cooperation</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Muzaffar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iqra Jathol</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahid Yaseen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>SAARC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Failure</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indian Hegemonic Design</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study explains the concept of Association and procedure of SAARC (South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation) cooperation in the South Asian region and tries to find a solution as to why India and Pakistan are initially unwilling to join the regional cooperation, and when and how regional cooperation is possible. A qualitative research method is used to evaluate the success and failure of SAARC. Basically, the idea of SAARC is to promote peace, harmony and economic growth through the cooperation of South Asian states, by sharing the available resources and to build trust among parties and also by facilitating collaboration and regular contact between political leaders. The tensions between the two rivalries have caused great damage to SAARC cooperation. The lingering Kashmir issue also remained a great hurdle in the process of progress and cooperation. Indian hegemonic design, mistrust and bad attitude towards the smaller states of South Asia hamper all the efforts for greater regional integration.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant professor,Department of Political Science and IR,  GC University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M. Phil Scholar,Department of Political Science, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,  Department of Political Science, GC Women University Sialkot, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/SAARC-An-Evaluation-of-its-Achievements-Failures-and-Compulsion-for-Cooperation</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392290</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Afghanistan in the Historical Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Huma Qayum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahir Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Jan Alam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pre-Islamic period</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Post-Islamic period</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>historical background</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Muslim rulers</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghanistan is having a very long historical background. It dates back to 1500 BC when Islam was far away from this region. Different dynasties established their foundations and were ruined away. The paper brings into light major common factors among Pakistan and Afghanistan. It l highlights the past of Afghanistan before the Islamic period and after the arrival of Islam in this region. Especially the historical background which is totally the same among the two states. Similarly, rulers consolidated their empire from Afghanistan to India. The paper also elaborates different dynasties and how residents of the concerned area faced such aggressions with though resistance. Who never surrendered against any foreign rule and gained independence as a sovereign state. It still survives to face superpowers rivalry that affect the very foundations of IndoAfghan states.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Political Science and Visiting lecturerDepartment of Politics and IR,International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Afghanistan-in-the-Historical-Perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392291</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Jirga and Sharitization: An Analysis of Maraka in District Karak</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Wajid Mehmood</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Imran Haider</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rashid Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Jirga</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Maraka</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflict Resolution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Shariatization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Karak</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pukhtunwali.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper aims at analyzing the traditional processes of conflict resolution in Pukhtoon society. The institution under study is Jirga an essential element of Pukhtunwali. By using Karak district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as a case study, this paper explores Maraka a form of Jirga that dispenses justice at a local level on the basis of Pukhtunwali and Shariah. This study found that the current conflict in the region has significant implications for the institution of Maraka in terms of its structure, composition and dispensation of justice. In most of the Jirgas Ulama (religious clerics) are considered to be an essential part of it. The inclusion of Ulama is making this institution vulnerable to shariatization. A significant number of decisions are taking place on the basis of locally interpreted Shariah law. The paper argues that this trend of shariatization of this institution leads to the weakening of the social relations in the area</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,FATA University FR Kohat. KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Social Work and Population Studies, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor,Department of Sociology,  Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Jirga-and-Sharitization-An-Analysis-of-Maraka-in-District-Karak</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392292</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Geneses, Causes, and Ramification of Militancy in FATA in the Post 9/11 Scenario</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Khan Faqir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Haider</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sumbal Jameel</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Militancy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>FATA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military operations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Maliks</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pkahtunwali</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The basic aim of the paper is to highlight the impacts of militancy on the Federally Administrated Tribal Area. Strategically the area is very important, and it is situated between Afghanistan and Pakistan. The area also played a very important role in the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Before and after 9/11 most of the militants fled to the Tribal areas of Pakistan to seek shelter. The area was used as a launching pad by militants. There were safe sanctuaries of those militants and thus it was a threat to the integrity and sovereignty of Pakistan. As a result, a number of military operations were launched to eliminate those safe sanctuaries. The whole scenario has had some impacts on the life of tribesmen. The paper is an attempt to investigate the root causes of militancy and its impacts on FATA after 9/11.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Pakistan Study Centre,University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Pakistan Study, Postgraduate Government College Landi Kotal, District Khyber, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Geneses-Causes-and-Ramification-of-Militancy-in-FATA-in-the-Post-9-11-Scenario</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392293</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Saudi Arabia, Iran and Middle East - A Dilemma</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Noor Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sania Zehraa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>ran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Saudi Arab</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gulf</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hegemony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Middle East encountering a time of dynamic change, testing the universal methodologies of each nearby states. New challenges, opportunities, and dimensions are emerging for the regional and extra-regional states which are driving their foreign policies and making new alliances regionally. Saudi-Iranian relations are one of the most significant competitions characterizing the vital scene of the MENA (the Middle East and North Africa) region. Both states have frequently carried on as genuine opponents, particularly in the Gulf. Saudi Arabia is a territorial business as usual power, while Iran frequently looks for progressive changes all through the Gulf and the more extensive Middle East with shifting notches of power. However, Saudi Arab has strong relations with US and European powers while Iran views the United State as a most hazardous adversary. This article would examine competition of both states through the content analyses and pragmatist approach, and it will develop analytical thinking about methodologies inside the setting of the contention.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Politics and IR.nternational Islamic University. Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Political Science,  International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Saudi-Arabia-Iran-and-Middle-East-A-Dilemma</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392294</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>United States-North Korea Rapprochement: Averting a Nuclear Holocaust</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Usman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Trust Building</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace and Stability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>De-nuclearization</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The situation in the Korean Peninsula has generally remained uncertain since the time of the Korean war. President Trumps proverbs of fire and fury, Rocket Man and now a valuable partner are gradual transformations, which have been appreciated by the world at large, yet fragility and lack of trust among the key contenders North Korea (DPRK), USA and South Kora may lead to strategic miscalculation and undo the process of confidence-building. The efforts of Russia and China are commendable as these are contributing to a stable environment; however, the world is witnessing these developments with cautious optimism due to the impulsive nature of opposing leaders. On an optimistic note, Chairman Kim and President Trump want to move forward for a reasonable settlement. The leadership on both sides, the global players and regional organizations will have to work for hand in gloves for sustainable peace as failure is the worst option.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ministry of Interior, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of IR,  National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Junior Research Fellow, Humanity Research Council, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/United-States-North-Korea-Rapprochement-Averting-a-Nuclear-Holocaust</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392295</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Region of Pakistan, China, and India: Geopolitical Currents after the Cold War Till 9/11</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Khurshaid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ahmad Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agreement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bilateral</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dispute Cold War Region.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>After the Cold War Pakistan, China and India had opportunities to adjust each other according to the geopolitical trends of the time. In the post-Cold War era, there was no Soviet Union to influence relations between India and China. On the other side, Pakistan did not lose its Cold War ally, United States; to make independent relations in the region on its choices. American sanctions would turn Pakistan into a selfassumed path of foreign policy. The resultant regional geopolitical scenario, after the Cold War, may best be explained by applying the theoretical model of Saul B. Cohen- Shatterbelt. The shatterbelt means such volatile areas that would not allow the states to go for friendly relations. The study is qualitative in nature. The data is secondary which is interpreted through Thematic Approach.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer,Department of International Relations,University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of IR, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/The-Region-of-Pakistan-China-and-India-Geopolitical-Currents-after-the-Cold-War-Till-9-11</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392296</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Dynamics of Interest in Central Asia</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ayaz Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajid Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdur Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Central Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iran</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research is an endeavour to examine the dynamics of interest determining the complex political situation in Central Asia. These states have come into being from the trauma of freedom and became the master of their own destinies. The region has energy resources which attract the other countries of the world to get access to them. Many world countries such as Pakistan, Iran, India, China, U.S. and Russia have economic, political and strategic interests in the region. Its geo-strategic location makes it difficult for the Central Asian Republics to ignore it. The article concludes that only culture and history cannot be a bank on for the improvement of cooperation among the nations, but new strategic policies and the dynamics of the modern geopolitical world must be kept in mind while formulating a policy to follow the economic targets.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (HOD), Department of Political Science, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Swabi, Swabi, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/dynamics-of-interest-in-central-asia</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392297</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Rise of Jihad in the Pakhtun Region: The Role of Culture</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Shakoor</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Jihad</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakhtuns</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakhtun Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Using secondary data, the study is an attempt to analyze the rise of jihad in the Pakhtun region. The objective is to investigate the transformation of jihad and the role of Pakhtun culture in the process. The study provides a thorough analysis of the historical background of Jihadi activities in the region, the role of religious figures, the establishment and role of the Darul Uloom Deoband before the creation of Pakistan, and the Afghan jihad and its aftermath after the creation of Pakistan. The study concludes that the concept of jihad has been manipulated historically by non-state actors to gain political authority and lately by the state actors themselves for the achievement of certain foreign policy goals. The study further concludes that although much of this process of jihad has historically been pronounced on the Pakhtun land, however, it is important to note that it is not culturally driven.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor/Chairman, Department of International Relations, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, (AWKUM), KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-rise-of-jihad-in-the-pakhtun-region-the-role-of-culture</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392298</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Modern State, the Politicization of Sufi Rituals, and the Local Religious Authority of Sufi Shrines: A Study of the Shrine of B?b? Far?d (Pakpattan-Punjab)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Mubeen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Auqaf Department</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bahishti Darvaza</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Chishti Sufism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>dastarbandi</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>modern state</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakpattan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sufi rituals</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>shrine of Baba Farid</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>sajjada-nishin</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>langar-khana</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The modern state that developed in the Indian subcontinent after the arrival of colonial power in the region had profound effects on the internal religious-spiritual matters of Sufi shrines. The Chishti Sufi shrine of Baba Farid, in Pakpattan, also heavily affected by the emergent state&apos;s policies in all respects. The state&apos;s intrusion into the ritualistic matters of the shrine has gradually reduced the traditional custodian of the shrine to a mere ceremonial head of the institution. The process of politicization of Sufi rituals started during the British Raj; the crucial interference in the ceremonies of the shrine came after the take-over of the management and the administration of the shrine of Baba Farid by the West Pakistan Auqaf authorities during the early 1960s. This study is intended to explore the emergence and development of the centuries-old ritualistic patterns of the shrine, the modern state&apos;s contrivances that affected them, and the resultant effects of the said evolution on the local religious authority of the traditional office bearers of the shrine.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, COMSATS Institute of Information Technology, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-modern-state-the-politicization-of-sufi-rituals-and-the-local-religious-authority-of-sufi-shrines-a-study-of-the-shrine-of-bb-fard-pakpattanpunjab</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392299</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Issues and Challenges in Countering Transnational Organized Crimes: Implications on Peace Conditions in Af-Pak Region</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sohail Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mahwish Bakht</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Inayat Kalim</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan and Pakistan National AntiNarcotics Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cannabis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Chemical Precursors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Drug Trafficking</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Opium</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Illegal Trade</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Economic Conditions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transnational Crimes</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Insecure borders always provide passage to criminals for their institution. Borders depict the geographical limits of a particular state and determine its power and functioning in a region. Internal security of the country cannot be assured until its boundaries are not regularized. Countries like Afghanistan and Pakistan having numerous social, economic, and security challenges serve as an avenue for traffickers. A disputed border is waning the bilateral relations and promoting the narco-economy in the Af-Pak region. The Afghan opiate is also serving as solid financial support for the Taliban and other terrorist groups. The existence of persistent mistrust and blame game policy is contagiously affecting the lives of ordinary people. The political leadership of Afghanistan and Pakistan should learn a lesson from their past to protect their nationals from economic disasters and smugglers. In addition, the nature of this study is qualitative. Both primary and secondary data prove the main agenda of this study by highlighting the deep and robust linkage of the border dispute in the spread of drug trafficking in both countries. Moreover, there is a dire need for Pak-Afghan border management to provide shelter to the locals and the legal economy. For gaining mutual economic benefits, both states can utilize borders by articulating the mechanism for border regulation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, COMSATS Institute of Information Technology Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Candidate MSIR, COMSATS Institute of Information Technology Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, COMSATS Institute of Information Technology Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/issues-and-challenges-in-countering-transnational-organized-crimes-implications-on-peace-conditions-in-afpak-region</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392300</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Deconstructing the Myth: Nature of Terrorism in the Pakhtun Region (2001-2013)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Shakoor</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Insurgency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nature</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakhtun Region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The current study is an attempt to identify the true nature of terrorism in the Pakhtun region that mainly took place during 2001-2013. Although the study heavily relies on secondary data analysis, however numerous unstructured interviews and group discussions with experts has also been carried out to thoroughly understand the issue at hand. The study finds that terrorism in the Pakhtun region has neither been a struggle for the imposition of Sharia nor a Pakhtun nationalist movement. Based on the investigation of the available literature, the study concludes that it has been a politically motivated struggle for the acquisition of power. The study suggests that the writ of the state should be implemented in letter and spirit in the erstwhile FATA region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/deconstructing-the-myth-nature-of-terrorism-in-the-pakhtun-region-20012013</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392301</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Regional Development, Employment Opportunities and Policy Challenges</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Navid Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Riaz Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ke Xing</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>infrastructure development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>employment creation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>policy challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:description>A lot of people believe &quot;China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC)&quot; to be a doorway to regional prosperity and regional cohesion. It carries an abundant perspective in relation to regional connectivity, regional development, and employment creation. Although a topic of increasing interest, CPEC has been relatively under-researched and under-conceptualized to date. In this article, we attempt to inspect CPEC in relation to its prospects for infrastructure development, regional development, and employment creation through a methodical databank check and cross-reference snowballing. Significantly contributing: (1) reviewing of recent literature focusing on the concepts of economic corridors in different regions and (2) underlying challenges addressing the political, economic and geographical differences among different groups based on their perspectives. The paper concludes with possible managerial suggestions for the challenges faced by stakeholders participating in the China Pakistan Economic Corridor</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar,School of Economics &amp; Management,Kunming University of Science &amp; Technology, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Postdoc Fellow, School of Public Policy and Administration,Xiian Jiaotong University, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>School of Economics &amp; Management,Kunming University of Science &amp; Technology, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/China-Pakistan-Economic-Corridor-CPEC-Regional-Development-Employment-Opportunities-and-Policy-Challenges</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392302</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Analysis of Sino-Indian Relations: Modus Operandi or Modus Vivendi</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asghar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazim Rahim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Hussain Abid Sipra</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sino-Indian Geo-strategic competition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Modus Vivendi</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Modus Operandi</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Synergy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China and India celebrated their embryonic relations with a documented modus vivendi i.e. “The Panchsheel Agreement”. This concord highlighted five principles of peaceful coexistence between India and China. The Tibet region was the nucleus of this agreement. Nevertheless, after four years of its celebration, eyebrows raised from both sides in 1959 when China started its unification process and India welcomed the Dalai Lama, a separatist leader of the Tibetan region. This caused bitterness between India and China and both the states reversed to their retrospective modus operandi, which later on graduated into a full-fledged war between the two countries in 1962. Despite their limited modus vivendi in the 21st century, both the states tend more towards their intrinsic modus operandi. This analytical study is discussing the Sino-Indian relations through the lenses of Modus vivendi and Modus operandi and its implication for Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Political Science &amp; International Relations,  Qurtaba University of Science &amp; IT, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science &amp; International Relations,Qurtaba University of Science &amp; IT, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Political Science,Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/An-Analysis-of-Sino-Indian-Relations-Modus-Operandi-or-Modus-Vivendi</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392303</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Growing Strategic Imbalance between China and Russia in Central Asia: Challenges and Opportunities</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sartaj</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uzma Siraj</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Central Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-strategy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Imbalance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cross-Border Ethnic Issues</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Central Asias China growing interdependence and fading role of Russia has provoked contentious debates about the growing strategic imbalance in the region. The empirical data in this research paper demonstrates that the domestic, geostrategic and economic interests motivate the nature of China Central Asia and Russia Central Asia relationship. Chinas pragmatic approach for establishing a comprehensive regional policy based on multilateral as well as bilateral relationships in all spheres has given considerable leverage to China and an alternative to Russia which has not been able to evolve a comprehensive policy for the region despite its longstanding political, ethnic, cultural, economic and security relationship with Central Asia. Both powers have similar objectives but different approaches with quite a distinguishable outcome. This study is an effort to analyze the implications of growing interdependence between Chinese and Central Asian states for Russia in the absence of a coherent and comprehensive policy for the region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Political Science,  International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department International Relations,International Islamic University Islamabad, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/The-Growing-Strategic-Imbalance-between-China-and-Russia-in-Central-Asia-Challenges-and-Opportunities</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392304</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Engineering Electoral Design in Terms of Globalization of Institutions: A Case Study of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Lubna Batool</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Manzoor Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Alternative Vote (AV)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electoral Globalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Colonial Plantation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Imitation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Preferential  Vote (PV)</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan needs reforms in electoral institutions inherited from the colonial era which have minimal roots in its diverse soil led to political wrangling in federating units for more representational space in the federal structure. Conflict management through the engineering of an inclusive electoral system in Pakistan is the aim of this paper. The challenge of changing demographics and the demand for a fair share in power can be met with the introduction of a suitable reform package as set forth by the Supreme Court of Pakistan in its verdict in June 2012. With this decision in view, this paper attempts to examine a feasible way to introduce a less perilous electoral packa</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer,Department of Political Science,University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Engineering-Electoral-Design-in-Terms-of-Globalization-of-Institutions-A-Case-Study-of-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392305</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Can Openness Hypothesis Improve Political Economy of Pakistans Financial Market?</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Jawad Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sania Zehraa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noor Jehan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Financial Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Openness hypothesis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regression analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Financial  Liberalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trade openness.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper is an attempt to test the openness hypothesis for the case of Pakistan. Being a developing country and having different interest groups interfering in the financial market, openness hypothesis provides a theory that provides a win-win situation for the interest groups, consequently improving financial development. We presented a political economy approach of analyzing the state of Pakistans financial market and proposed an openness hypothesis. Our result indicates that individually, trade and financial opening are beneficial for improving the financial market development however, the simultaneous opening of financial and trade hypothesis does not hold for Pakistan. In other words, the simultaneous opening of financial and trade accounts does not seem to be a necessary condition for improving the financial sector.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Research Associate,  University of Kassel, Hessen, Germany.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Economics,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Can-Openness-Hypothesis-Improve-Political-Economy-of-Pakistans-Financial-Market</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392306</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>What is Democracy? Challenges for Democracy in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fozia Bibi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sumbal Jameel</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Umair Jalal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Judiciary</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious Freedom</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tolerance.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article aims to explore what democracy is and what are the key tools for the success of democracy. Democracy is a famous form of government in contemporary world politics. There are few key characteristics of true democracy, for instance; free and fair elections, the role of media, education, judiciary, political parties, and religious tolerance, etc. Pakistan has experienced authoritative and democratic forms of government since independence. Many democratic governments have governed the country but despite that politicians in Pakistan could not provide the basic facilities of life to the general public. Lack of timely, free and fair elections, the gap between political elite and public, martial-laws, civil-military relations, lack of education and awareness in the general public are some key hurdles in the success of democracy. Therefore, for the success of democracy in Pakistan, it is also necessary to improve these tools.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD scholar,National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar,Department of Political Sciences,University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/What-is-Democracy-Challenges-for-Democracy-in-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392307</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Determinants of Pakistanâ€™s Foreign Policy with Respect to Russia&apos;s Past, Present and Future</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Jazib Mumtaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ramzan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saima Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Realism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Institutionalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Liberalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constructivism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan and Russia have a history of divergence and ambiguity in their foreign policies. Since Independence Pakistans policy towards Russia remained complex and contradictory. Historically there were highs and lows in their relationship, but uncertainty prevails in their approaches. This was due to Pakistans western inclination and Russias pro-India alliance. However, the relationship was revitalized in the last 2 decades as both states see strategic interest in improving the relationship. Russia has started to exert itself as a superpower in the current geopolitics whereas Pakistan has also managed to improve its status as a regional player with respect to geostrategic location, its proximity to hot waters and its role in Afghanistan. However, Pakistans foreign policy realignment took 50 years to adjust to improve the Pak-Russia relationship. One needs to assess the determinants of Pakistans foreign policy with respect to Russia with historical contradictions and current reality.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Social Sciences, SZABIST Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Social Sciences, SZABIST Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer,Department to IR,University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/determinants-of-pakistans-foreign-policy-with-respect-to-russias-past-present-and-future-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392308</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Transformations in the Middle East: Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Arab Spring</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regime Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balance of Power</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The regional security matrix of the Middle East is facing serious challenges since the US invasion of Iraq, which has left a deep impact on the regional balance of power. A hostile nation towards Iran becomes an ally after the fall of the Saddam regime. Things are changing rapidly when several series of protests across the Arab and African region erupted since 2011 with the Tunisian revolution to be first on the list. Muslim countries across the Arab and African region faced regime changes, the rise of nonstate actors (NSA) and infighting due to breakdown state institutions. This article explores the evolving post Arab Spring situation in the region and suggests policy options for Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of IR,National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Pakistan Studies,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Transformations-in-the-Middle-East-Implications-for-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392309</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China&apos;s Growing Strategic Interests in Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Huma Qayum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Umair Jalal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic interests</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>reconstruction and reconciliation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Belt and Road Initiative.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China is giving a push to the reconciliation process among the Taliban and the Afghan government. As well as working on trilateral relations of Pakistan, Afghanistan, and China. China is looking for CPEC expansion to Afghanistan through Pakistan, for which China seeks to explore the ways of reconciliation in Afghanistan among the Taliban and the Afghan government. US wants his long stay in Afghanistan to check the regional power of China and Russia, while China is taking interest in the Afghan peace process to smooth the way for US complete withdrawal. China along with other regional powers in Afghanistan supporting the Taliban demand of the US comprehensive drawdown timeline. The paper will bring into light Chinas role in Afghan peace and reconciliation, especially with the Taliban. It will also analyze Chinas role in Afghanistans infrastructure and development.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Political Science and International Relations at International Islamic University IslaPakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar,Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar,Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Chinas-Growing-Strategic-Interests-in-Afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392310</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pax Sinica in Asia: Chinas Emergent Geopolitics of Economic Corridors and Dream of Leadership</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Muzaffar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Tanveer Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahid Yaseen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sino-centric</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Corridors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Heartland</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>OBOR</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article explores the features of Chinas hegemonic ambitions which include more economic power than its rivals and the impact of international institutions on the interstate system. As a result, China has achieved Asias first tier of a hegemon, but influence over the global institutional framework is still underway. The eradication of the Pax Americana, however, must slowly materialize in line with Beijings established practices of avoiding confrontation and including various components of the present system. If China succeeds in bringing more and more friends and allies into its clout, Pax Sinica will be successful, but within the Chinese leadership, it is still argued that alliances do not meet the terms of its foreign policy principles.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science,GC Women University Sialkot, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, International Relations, University of the Punjab Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science,GC Women University Sialkot, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Pax-Sinica-in-Asia-Chinas-Emergent-Geopolitics-of-Economic-Corridors-and-Dream-of-Leadership</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392311</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Politics of Ethnicities and Federating Issues in Pakistan: Changing Geopolitical Perspective of the Region</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shaista Taj</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahir Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Bilal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Ethnicity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Federation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pashtuns</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Baluchs Nationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Keeping in view the multi-ethnic structure of Pakistan, the federal structure is designed in the country. Circumstantial evidence suggests that smaller ethnicities are not satisfied within the structure and therefore, crises and disturbances are continuously being witnessed. The ethnic factor becomes more visible, impacting not only the internal politics of Pakistan but also its evolving regional political interaction as well. The ethnicities located in the border region of the country, have been facing the dilemma to accept the geopolitical offers given to Pakistan by the neighboring countries. The sort of relations causes ethnic resentments if it doesnt recognize the rights of the community. Pashtun and Baluch ethnicities have been more relevant for study in this regard.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Sholar,  Qurtuba University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Registrar,  Women University Swabi, Swabi, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Politics-of-Ethnicities-and-Federating-Issues-in-Pakistan-Changing-Geopolitical-Perspective-of-the-Region</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392312</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China&apos;s Debt Diplomacy and China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Safia</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Infrastructure development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Debt Trap</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China has been investing in several countries under the ambit of BRI and regional economic corridors. The basic spirit behind such an initiative is to benefit the world from Chinas peaceful rise. However, the potential implications of the Debt Trap have been voiced, especially when the issue of Hambantota came to the limelight. This research article discusses the &quot;potential debt trap&quot;, widely being propagated in popular international media, particularly in the United States and India that China has other secret plans to fulfill under the cover of economic support and infrastructure development. They try hard to establish that the Gwadar port and the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) will follow suit with the Hambantota port as experienced by Sri Lanka. This article presents a neutral analysis of the Hambantota Port Agreement and will compare it with Gwadar port and other mega projects of China Pakistan Economic Corridor</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of IR,National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ministry of Interior, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer,Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/chinas-debt-diplomacy-and-chinapakistan-economic-corridor-cpec-implications-for-pakistan-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392313</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Investigating Link between Modernization and the Dynamics of Political Institution: Quantitative Evidence from Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mamoon Khan Khattak</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Azad Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Masses</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Modernization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The notion of change in the political institution is associated with multifarious factors. In the current scenario, modernization is one of the foremost factors which transformed the diverse aspects of political institution. This paper is an attempt to shed light on the impact of modernization on the political institution. The quantitative research strategy has been adopted in this research. The data was collected (n=250) from seven tehsils of district Swat, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. The univariate analysis, descriptive statistics and agreement indices were used. Diverse aspects have been explored in this research like political participation of growing middle-class people, awareness of common masses regarding the importance of the vote and their access to the elected representatives, voter behavior, turnout ratio, political accountability, electoral reforms, governance, youth and gender-based political participation and access of common masses to the political leaders. The study results revealed significant impacts of modernization on political institution.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer (Sociology), Department of Social and Gender Studies, University of Swat, Swat, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Social Work and Sociology, Kohat University of Science and Technology (KUST), Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Social Work and Sociology, Kohat University of Science and Technology (KUST), Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/investigating-the-link-between-modernization-and-the-changing-dynamics-of-political-institution-quantitative-evidence-from-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392314</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s Transition to Civilian Rule: Analysis of Zia Years</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Adil Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazakat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Martial Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Zia Years</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democratization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Existing literature on democratization suggests that societies once exposed to democratic liberties develop a deep spirit of resistance. This spirit of resistance is manifested in various movements for the restoration of democracies whenever democratic liberties are taken away by military dictatorships. This paper investigates this spirit of resistance during General Zia&apos;s era. It is argued here that eleven years of the militarys&apos; control was challenged on different fronts by the society and finally compelling it to step back and surrender political space to the political elites. Arguments for this paper are developed by reviewing and critically analyzing the mainstream academic works produced about Zia years.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Government College Havelian Abbottabad, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistans-transition-to-civilian-rule-analysis-of-zia-years</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392315</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Internal Displacement and Migration issues in FATA (2007-2016)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sohail Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Mubeen</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Inayat Kalim</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>IDPs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>T.D.P.s</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>FATA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Displacement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Migration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>With the start of the War on Terror in October 2001, the tribal belt of Pakistan, known as Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), witnessed a rise in militancy. Numerous military actions have been carried out in different agencies of former FATA to eliminate militants. Millions of people have been displaced from all seven agencies and six Frontier Regions. Many people have been displaced more than once, while others have returned to their homes only to face the mammoth challenge of restoring everyday life in their villages. Additionally, significant Bajaur, South Waziristan, and North Waziristan Agencies have also migrated to Afghanistan to avoid being targeted in the conflict between the militants and the military. This paper analyzes displacement from FATA and acrossthe-border migration into Afghanistan and its impact on the lives of the uprooted tribal people from the area. An attempt has also been made to gauge the government response towards the dislocated people from the tribal areas.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, COMSATS Institute of Information Technology Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, COMSATS Institute of Information Technology Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, COMSATS Institute of Information Technology Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/internal-displacement-and-migration-issues-in-fata-20072016</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392316</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Contesting the Representation of Muslim Women: A Discursive Exploration of Religious Belief in I Am Malala and Let Her Fly</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aisha Jadoon</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Oroosa Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kanwal Zahra</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Postcolonial Perspective</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Stereotypes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Representation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Binary Dichotomy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Science</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Faith</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religion</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Important as religion is to behave socially, its complex nature has remained the staple concern of literary narratives. The enigma of religion is particularly evident in the life narratives of Malala Yousafzai (I Am Malala, 2013) and Ziauddin Yousafzai (Let Her Fly 2018). The selected texts have been studied using the Theory of Representation (1997) to investigate there presentation of Islam by applying the legitimation strategies proposed by Theo Van Leeuwen in his book Discourse and Practice (2008). Islam and its practices have been exploited by detailing specific practices related to Muslim women with lesser consideration of Islamic injunctions that benefits its adherents. This study concludes that in there presentation of religion, the selected authors have misrepresented the ideologies, belief systems, and values of Islam by reinforcing negative stereotypes of Muslim women as subject to religious practices that use the body as a site of patriarchal domination and religious constraints.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of Humanities, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Centre for Languages and Translation Studies, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/contesting-the-representation-of-muslim-women-a-discursive-exploration-of-religious-belief-in-i-am-malala-and-let-her-fly</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-I).17</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392317</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Strategic Interaction Game of Political Rights: A Case Study of Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saranjam Baig</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Manzoor Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Jan Alam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political status</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic players</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Status-quo</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitutional Limbo</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gilgit-Baltistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Using a simple sequential game, this article aims at exploring the outcome of the political interactions of various strategic players related to the political status of GilgitBaltistan. A political system that comes into existence after the strategic interactions of different players is defined to be an outcome for the purpose of our analysis. To discuss the constitutional limbo in Gilgit-Baltistan, the article identifies four strategic players: the federal government, the provincial, the Shia Muslims in Gilgit-Baltistan, and the Sunni Muslims in Gilgit-Baltistan. Their strategies, preferences, and payoffs have been highlighted. The simple sequential game has an outcome of &quot;status-quo, which is in harmony with the existing political status of the region. The status-quo of the region will continue until the players decide to play different strategies. The outcome will tilt in the favor of the player with most political influence.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant professor,Department of political science and political economy,Sultan Qaboos University, Muscat, Oman.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar,Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/A-Strategic-Interaction-Game-of-Political-Rights-A-Case-Study-of-Gilgit-Baltistan-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392318</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Analytical Overview of Beijings Belt and Road Corridors</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ijaz Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Umair Jalal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Bilal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Belt &amp; Road Initiative</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Corridor</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper explores the rationale and factors that led to the adoption of Beijings Belt and Road Initiative. The study analysis the land corridors in detail and investigate its progress and challenges posed to each corridor. This paper aims to find out the real motives behind the overall concept of Belt and Road corridors and the benefits that it brings to China and participant states. Additionally, the paper examines the origin, capacity and extortions faced to BRI while making it a reality. This project plans greater trade and industrial activities through energy and communication infrastructure, activating of ports and construction of economic zones. The studies found that the project is more than just an economic investment corridor which will further boost PRC economy; it is also a strategic asset for the Chinese government which could provide strategic depth against its rivals powers like the US and its allies which are trying to contain China.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science,  Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Political Sciences,University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Registrar, Women University Swabi, Swabi, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Analytical-Overview-of-Beijings-Belt-and-Road-Corridors</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392319</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) Membership: The Case of India and Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Murad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ramzan Kolachi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>NSG</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NPT</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) was established after Indias 1974 nuclear tests. Only signatories of the Nuclear Proliferation Treaty (NPT) can fulfill the criteria for NSG membership. India is not a signatory of NPT. India, however, is getting support from the US for entry into the NSG. Since Pakistan is a nuclear power and a non-NPT signatory so, it also applied for membership of the NSG along with India in 2016. Pakistan took the stance of criteria-based membership - entry either for all or none. China opposed membership of India into the group based on the NPT signatory grounds. Thus, Indias membership was vetoed. This article analyzes NSGs membership case of India and Pakistan. It further discusses the nuclear doctrines of India and Pakistan. In Indias membership case, it highlights the role of the US and Grossis proposal. In Pakistans membership case, it discusses Chinas role briefly</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar,Department of IR.Sindh University, Jamshoro, Sindh.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,  Faculty of Social Sciences, SZABIST, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar,Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Nuclear-Suppliers-Group-NSG-Membership-The-Case-of-India-and-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392320</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Chinese Dream and Prospect of Harmonious World Policy: Drawing Lessons for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ijaz Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Peace</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Harmony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Chinese Dream</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the last four decades, China has transited from a closed country to major power status by adopting pragmatic policies. This article analyzes the transformation in Chinas foreign policy with its futuristic plan of building a harmonious world through peaceful co-existence and win-win cooperation. By adhering to principles of Panchsheel, foundations for prosperous China were laid. The notion of peaceful coexistence is the hallmark of Chinese foreign policy which has helped in resolving border issues withs neighbors by peaceful means. By remaining neutral and playing the role of a mediator, China has successfully managed regional and global conflicts. President Xi Jinpings vision of the Chinese Dream is, in fact, a holistic concept for taking China forward among leading nations in the world and rejuvenation of the Chinese nation for a prosperous future. Chinese foreign and domestic policies are now delivering and Pakistan being its Iron Brother can gain opportunities from Chinas peaceful rise</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of IR, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ministry of Interior, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science,Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Chinese-Dream-and-Prospect-of-Harmonious-World-Policy-Drawing-Lessons-for-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392321</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Guam, the Center of Asia Pacific: A Source of Geo-Strategic Rivalry between China and the US</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Barkat Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazim Rahim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Usman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>U.S.; China; Guam; Pacific Island; Unincorporated territory; Battlefield</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Guam is the U.S. unincorporated territory and military (base), which lies in the western part of the Pacific Islands. Guam serves as the lynchpin for the U.S. influence in the Pacific, is became the flashpoint between two nuclear powers of the region i.e. United States of America and China, due to its strategic geopolitical position. Nevertheless, Guam remained a conducive place for the U.S. naval basing as well as the territory to provide shorten and strategic edge for Washington to sustain her hegemony and influence in the region. The aim of this research paper is that, could the U.S. sustain her hold over Guam while facing the Chinese mesmerizing and clear empirical indicators of its military forces, particularly its navy, air force, missile technology, and its rapidly expanding marine corps, as the arbiters of a new global order-one that stands opposed to U.S. national interests and threat to its close allies in the region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar,Department of Political Science &amp; IR,Qurtuba University of Science &amp; IT, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science &amp; IR,Qurtuba University of Science &amp; IT, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Fellow,  Humanity Research Council, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Guam-the-Center-of-Asia-Pacific-A-Source-of-Geo-Strategic-Rivalry-between-China-and-the-US</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392322</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Opportunities and Risk Factors in Public-Private Partnership on Energy: A Critical Analysis of Solar Photovoltaic Plant at Bahawalpur</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bilal Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aftab Alam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Solar energy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public-Private Partnerships</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China Pakistan economic corridor</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Quaid-e-Azam Solar Photovoltaic Park</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Critical factors.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study delineates a 1000 Megawatt (MW) very large scale Photovoltaic (PV) system designed in three phases, from which 100 MW has functional and the remaining two phases of 300MW, 600 MW has yet to be functional at Quaid-eAzam solar park (QSP) in Cholistan desert near Bahawalpur City of Pakistan. This study describes the opportunities and risks in the construction of solar PV plant (QSP), which is constructed through public-private partnership (3P).This study uses the case study as a part of research methodology. Firstly it explains about 3Ps, their various types and necessity. Secondly, explores the critical factors in the construction of QSP PV Plant through PESTLE (political, economic, social, technological, legal, environmental) analysis. Thirdly outlines the effect of RE projects on the socioeconomic status of the periphery which is ignored in previous studies. The recommendations will guide the policymakers how they can embed social acceptance in RE projects.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Department of Management Sciences, Bahria University Lahore Campus, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of International Relations,  National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD. Scholar, Department of Political Science,Punjab University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Opportunities-and-Risk-Factors-in-Public-Private-Partnership-on-Energy-A-Critical-Analysis-of-Solar-Photovoltaic-Plant-at-Bahawalpur</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392323</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Darfur Conflict beyond Ethnic Division: A Politico-Economic Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Assad Mehmood Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazim Rahim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajjad Ali khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Africa</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sudan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Darfur</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Genocide</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Political</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Economic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civil War</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Darfur crisis, dwell in the western territory of Sudan, a civil war that delineates upon the grave state of affairs. Since 2003, the Darfur region has been reported dislocated or migrated, providing the base argument to the world and the UN, referring genocide. Although establishing the insurgency distinctiveness, the crisis in the Darfur region has been generally referred to as tribal ethnic clashes between African inhabitants and Arab intruders. A justification that appears to be unsuccessful to elucidates the intricate situation belying the conflicting situation. This research aimed at two main contributing aspects - the politicoeconomic reasons for the crisis. Most significant, in investigating the conflict situation in Darfur with an approach that leads beyond the ethnic divide justification, it appears probable to discover issues, such as politico-economic reasons, imperative to address the issue in order to attain stability in Sudan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,Department of Political Science &amp; IR, Qurtuba University of Science &amp; IT, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science &amp; IRQurtuba University of Science &amp; IT, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of International Relation, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Darfur-Conflict-beyond-Ethnic-Division-A-Politico-Economic-Perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392324</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Social Media and Cyber Crimes in Pakistan: Facts, Propaganda, Awareness, and Legislation</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asad Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Shabir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Cybercrimes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Technological crimes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Media and cybercrimes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Digital Crimes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New Media Crimes</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Cybercrime is a criminal act committed using computing devices and the Internet. It ranges from downloading pirated movies to destabilizing national economies. Nonfinancial crimes range from phishing to top-notch crimes such as cyber terrorism. Comprehensive detail of such crimes has been revealed through this empirical study. It investigates the level of awareness, crime sophistication, the extent of the vulnerability, and legislation in Pakistan. Important aspects of cyber laws in Pakistan have been put forth. The survey-based study was carried out on university students. Data reveals that the graduate and postgraduate students being the huge consumers of SNS are at a higher risk of being prey to cybercriminals. Students although they have some information on cybercrimes they have very little knowledge on how to stay safe on the internet. Knowledge of cyber laws such as PECO is desirable to be made a part of the syllabi.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar,  Islamia University of Bahawalpur,Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Former Chairman,Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Social-Media-and-Cyber-Crimes-in-Pakistan-Facts-Propaganda-Awareness-and-Legislation</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392325</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Male Superiority in Quran: A Critical Appraisal</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Aqeel Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Zubair</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abida Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Daraba</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ijtehad. Nafs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nushuz</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Preference</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Qanitat</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>and Qawwamuna</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The role of a woman as an individual in many Muslim societies has been undermined. When the Quran uses the word &apos;Nafs&apos; or person, it describes the relation of the individual with Allah without taking into account any difference of male or female. Quran is the last revelation on Earth has to be interpreted in its best meaning. The superiority of male in the Quran must be read with conditions attached to it. Only those men who are breadwinners are preferred. Secondly, faddala does not mean preference of all men overall women, but the word ba&apos;d have been specifically used in the said verse. Moreover &apos;Daraba&apos; interpreted as beating or scourging of a wife by husband in order to make her obedient is not supported by any tradition of the Prophet (SAW). Ijtehad or independent reasoning must be encouraged for the revival of Islamic jurisprudence.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, Mardan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Law, University of South Asia, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/male-superiority-in-quran-a-critical-appraisal</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392326</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Implementation of CM Road Map: An Administrative Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Misbah Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fasiha Altaf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Samreen Mehmood</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CM Road Map</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Role of Head Teachers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Quality of Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Universal primary Education</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan is facing a big crisis of almost half of its illiterate population, and all governments have taken numerous initiatives to increase not only its literacy rate but also to uplift the quality of education. CM Road Map is one such initiative. This study was designed to identify the role of headteachers in implementing the CM road map in schools. A sample consisted of 105 headteachers were selected conveniently form all public sector schools of Punjab Province. A questionnaire comprising 25 statements related to 14 indicators of the CM road Map was used. The collected data were analyzed through SPSS. The results indicated that school heads are following instructions and taking initiatives to attain the objectives of the CM road map. It is recommended to conduct some training workshops, seminars and short workshops in order to motivate school heads to take a leadership role in some neglecting aspects of the CM Road map.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Education and Research, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Institute of Education and Research, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Education, AWKUM, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/implementation-of-cm-road-map-an-administrative-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392327</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Marxist Analysis of Mohammed Hanif&apos;s Our Lady of Alice Bhatti</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nazakat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adil Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Marxism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ideology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Class</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hegemony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Economic Disparity Introduction</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the novel &quot;Our Lady of Alice Bhatti&quot;, the novelist depicts the worse and pitiable plight of the lower classes living on the edges of marginality. The story is narrated through the perspective of a young Christian nurse and her &apos;choorah&apos; family. Her oppression may well be interpreted as an instance of a class struggle between the capitalist and the proletariat. The study contends that religious and gender discrimination is, in some ways, the by-product of an uneven economic system and hegemonic capitalistic power structures. Basic tenets of Marxist theory are employed as a theoretical framework to conduct the research in a systematic way. The study reveals that the ideologies of creed, caste and colour are very often used as capitalistic tools to divide human beings, especially the lower classes. It suggests that there is a dire need for educating the people on how to come together simply for what they actually are.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Hazara University Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Government College Havelian KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/marxist-analysis-of-mohammed-hanifs-our-lady-of-alice-bhatti</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392328</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>How Socio-Political Indicators of Poor Governance Pave the Way for Coup d&apos; Etate in Pakistan? An Analysis of Nawaz Shareef&apos;s Second Tenure in Government</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayaz Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nelofar Ehsan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hina Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Socio-Political Indicators</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nawaz Sharif</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper is about the relationship between the socio-economic indicators of poor governance and how it helps the military to take over the affairs of the state with ease. The 1990s era witnessed serious lapses in the governance system of Pakistan, and so, the military made frequent entries in politics. What this paper finds is that if the system of governance does not improve during the civilian government, it provides an opportunity for the armed forces to impose martial law and takes over the country. Though Nawaz Shareef had formed a government with a two-thirds majority, he hardly made any improvement on the governance front, and this was the major reason for his dismissal from the office of prime ministership. The methodology employed is secondary sources of data collection, including books, research papers and newspaper articles.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/how-sociopolitical-indicators-of-poor-governance-pave-the-way-for-coup-d-etate-in-pakistan-an-analysis-of-nawaz-shareefs-second-tenure-in-government</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392329</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Terrorism and Social Engineering: A Distorted Picture of the Pakhtuns</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Shakoor</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakhtuns</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Engineering</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cultural Distortion</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Much of the ongoing terrorism in Pakistan is happening on and in the context of the Pakhtun region. This has severe possible implications for the present and future of the region and its inhabitants. It is imperative, therefore, to objectively analyze the process so that effective policy options are adopted for its eradication. Relying mainly on secondary data, the current study is a qualitative analysis of the nature of terrorism and its possible relation with the Pakhtun culture. It concludes that the image of Pakhtuns and their culture is distorted through a conscious policy. The study further concludes that the current terrorism on the Pakhtun land is a product of social engineering.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/terrorism-and-social-engineering-a-distorted-picture-of-the-pakhtuns</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392332</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Analysis Of The Legal Framework Of International Refugee Protection System</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Zubair</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Aqeel Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muzamil Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Refugee</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Protection</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legal Framework</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Persecution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The article aims to investigate the legal framework of refugee protection system at regional and international level, which starts with the modern history of refugee system that when fleeing people from one region to another were considered as refugees. It further explores steps that were taken at the initial moment and how such system developed at the international level. The legal protection along with internationally accepted definition of refugees was achieved with the passage of time. The 1951 Refugee Convention is considered as the main foundation upon which the whole refugee system is based, was further augmented with the adoption of the 1967 Protocol, which removed the two main objections i.e. the temporal and geographical limitations from the Convention. The article explains the refugee definition, protections available under various instruments at regional and international level to refugees.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Superintendent, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/An-Analysis-Of-The-Legal-Framework-Of-International-Refugee-Protection-System</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392333</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Coverage of Cross Border Terrorism by Op-Ed of Global Press: A War and Peace Journalism Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tahir Mahmood</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sumera Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Urwah Iftikhar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>War Journalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace Journalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pak Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study is a content analysis of Op-rd from US, Chinese, Indian and Pakistani press. It is based on the war journalism frame and peace journalism frame devised by John Galtung. Convenient sampling method was used and each paragraph was taken as a unit of analysis. Statistical analysis was done using SPSS 20.0. The study checked the overall inclination of a countrys press with the perspective of war and peace journalism. The study analyzed the data from three year and found the significant results. It was observed that press of almost all countries are doing war journalism in sizeable measure. The global press has given stories with a war journalism frame in more quantity than the peace journalism. The study found that global press has given notable importance to the issue of terrorism between India and Pakistan. The statistical analysis and ChiSquare test of the data also gave significant results.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Communication Studies, Bahauddin ZakariyaUniversity, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Lahore College for Women University (LCWU), Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Lahore College for Women University (LCWU), Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Coverage-of-Cross-Border-Terrorism-by-Op-Ed-of-Global-Press-A-War-and-Peace-Journalism-Perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392334</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indo-China Rapprochement: Its Impacts on Regional Security of South Asia</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Naveed Anjum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zaheer Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rapprochement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security Complex</dc:subject>
<dc:description>India and China are now seeing each other as an opportunity rather than a threat. It has been observed that mutual mistrust remains on security and geostrategic issues making both wary of each other&apos;s military and economic growth. However, driven by the changing international trends, India and China recognized the need to cooperate for long term interests of regional and global peace and stability as well as their own economic prosperity. This study aims to revisit the issue of security, defense and war in South Asia region with reference to recent agreement in India &quot;Look East&quot; policy. The paper is based on historical evidences. It highlights the dynamics of India China relationship from hostility to detente. Furthermore, the research aims to construct a scenario about impacts of India-China rapprochement policy on regional security and insecurity. Theoretical framework of this paper is taken from Barry Buzan&apos;s Regional Security Complex Theory.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/indochina-rapprochement-its-impacts-on-regional-security-of-south-asia</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392335</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Apprenticeship to Power: Nature and Extent of Political Mentoring of Benazir Bhutto Under Tutelage of her Father (1953-1977)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ali Shaikh</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Stephen John</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hamida Zafar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Benazir Bhutto</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Zulfikar Ali Bhutto</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan People Party</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dictatorship</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mentoring</dc:subject>
<dc:description>It has been claimed that Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a leading politician and former president and prime minister of Pakistan, mentored his daughter Benazir Bhutto in politics since her childhood. The present study was carried out to explore the nature and extent of political mentoring accorded to Benazir Bhutto by her father. It highlights three modes of mentoring employed by her father and evaluates each of them separately. The modes of mentoring employed were (a) through letters and discussions during her early age, (b) through her attendance of major political events while she was a university student, and (c) her on-job training in the prime minister&apos;s secretariat after completion of her studies. It is concluded that the mentoring on the part of her father, whether intentional or unintentional, helped her a great deal in preparing her for the future role in the politics of Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Vice Chancellor, Department of Media Studies and Communication Studies, Sindh Madressatul Islam University, Karachi, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Education, Sindh Madressatul Isl am University, Karachi, Pakistan. Email: stephen_blessed@yahoo.com</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Education, Jinnah University for Women Karachi, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/apprenticeship-to-power-nature-and-extent-of-political-mentoring-of-benazir-bhutto-under-tutelage-of-her-father-19531977</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392336</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Environmental Degradation and Patterns of Human Migration Evidence from South Asia and South-East Asia</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayaz Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Saleem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tila Mohammad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Environmental Degradation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Migration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Floods</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper is about how and by what ways climate change affects human migration. The world at large is expected to face crises of dual nature. In the first place, excessive fossil fuel consumption would result in environmental degradation. Among others, people would be faced with serious food crises as well as reduced income. In the wake of environmental change, people will migrate in search of better income prospects and food security. There is no doubt that there a strong but direct relationship between climate change and human displacement. This displacement may either be long distance or a short distance in other cases. If it is a short distance, there is a possibility that it will be temporary, and as soon as the climate change event is over, people may return back to their habitats. It may be a long-distance if climate change-related event takes place on regular intervals over a long period of time. Data is collected through secondary sources.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/environmental-degradation-and-patterns-of-human-migration-evidence-from-south-asia-and-southeast-asia</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392337</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s General Elections of 2018: Representation of Economic Issues and Orientation of Political News Coverage in The Elite Newspapers of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Qasim Nizamani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farheen Qasim Nizamani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sikandar Hussain Soomro</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>News Representation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agenda Setting</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In a democratic society, mass media and political system have a strong bond with each other. Big media powerhouses attempt to develop linkages with political parties for economic benefits. These parties&apos; linkages with media houses may have affected news items&apos; representation of issues from both positive and negative reporting angles. An eminent scholar of agenda-setting through McCombs et al. (1997), pointed out that media has great power to set the agenda of public and political parties also actively engages the media houses to advance their elections. This study attempts to learn the news representation of issues during the General Elections (GE) of 2018 in Pakistan. This present study employed a content analysis method to investigate news issues coverage and representation in 10 mainstream newspapers based on readership size. The findings suggest that news items representation of issues among newspapers are highly polarized on the basis of sympathize towards their favourite political parties.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media &amp; Communication Studies, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media &amp; Communication Studies, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistans-general-elections-of-2018-representation-of-economic-issues-and-orientation-of-political-news-coverage-in-the-elite-newspapers-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392338</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Governance and Recurrent Military Takeover Prospects: A Case Study of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shaukat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahir Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Afzaal Amin</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Civil-military relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Interventions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agency theory</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Civil-military relations in developing countries are at the heart of a central concern of democracy. In Pakistan, the same has not only been turbulent throughout our history; it has also been an uneasy relationship with frequent military interventions. However, in Pakistan military has come to identify itself with the state rather than just one of the key components of a constitutional state. The Agency Theory, based on Principal-Agent relation, has been applied by many to explain the 1999 Musharraf takeover in Pakistan. The intervention is justified on many grounds. But what is more interesting is the fact it is welcomed in a country where people at large long for democracy and cherish democratic ideals.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil. Scholar, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/governance-and-recurrent-military-takeover-prospects-a-case-study-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392339</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Integration of the Self: A Jungian Study of Mystical Experiences in Herman Hesse&apos;s Siddhartha</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adil Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazakat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Mysticism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mystical Experience</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Individuation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Archetypes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>The Collective Unconscious</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper aims at juxtaposing the Buddhist notion of enlightenment with the Jungian concept of individuation. It attempts to explore how the dissolving of ego and approaching the subliminal consciousness in the path of self-realization stand parallel to Jung&apos;s idea of dismantling one&apos;s persona and connecting with the self, respectively. Siddhartha&apos;s journey towards enlightenment offers a psychological reading through which an interplay between ego-consciousness and the collective unconscious could be studied. Archetypal method of analysis is applied to Herman Hesse&apos;s novel Siddhartha to analyze the protagonist&apos;s psychological journey with regard to different archetypes of individuation. The study draws on Carl Gustav Jung&apos;s theory of individuation which is employed as a theoretical framework to see how the protagonist makes his unconscious conscious. Study reveals that &apos;Siddhartha attains psychological wholeness, transcends beyond archetypal existence and becomes his own person. His striving for meaning is very much in line with the Jungian notion of individuation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Government College Havelian Abbottabad, KP Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/integration-of-the-self-a-jungian-study-of-mystical-experiences-in-herman-hesses-siddhartha</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392340</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Determining Work Environment, Work Training and Work Facilities in Motivating Performance in Family Planning in the Women Empowerment Service, Children Protection, through Employment Motivation</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sri Hartati</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Chablullah Wibisono</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Indrayani</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Work Environment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Training</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Work Facilities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Work Motivation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Performance.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research was conducted to find out whether the work environment, work training, work facilities, and work motivation directly determine the performance and to find out whether the work environment, work training, work facilities directly determine the work motivation carried out at the Office of Womens Empowerment, Child Protection, Batam Population, and Family Planning Control. The sample of this research are field workers of families (PLKB) who work in 12 districts. Seventy-six respondents received questionnaires and all duely returned. This research data is analysed through multiple regression analysis techniques using Smart PLS software. The indirect determination results indicate that the variable work environment, work training, and work facilities on performance mediated by work motivation have a significant effect &lt;0.05. R Square determination coefficient of the work environment, work training, work facilities and work motivation on PLKB performance of 0.802 and work environment</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Postgraduate Program, Faculty of Economics, Batam University, Riau Islands, Indonesia.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Postgraduate Program, Faculty of Economics, Batam University, Riau Islands, Indonesia.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Postgraduate Program, Faculty of Economics, Batam University, Riau Islands, Indonesia.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Determining-Work-Environment,-Work-Training-and-Work-Facilities-in-Motivating-Performance-in-Family-Planning-in-the-Women-Empowerment-Service,-Children</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392341</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Cybercrime and Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zia UL Islam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Aqeel Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Zubair</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Impersonation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legislation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>phishing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Spoofing and Stalking.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Cybercrime or electronic crime is a very diverse and expanding phenomenon. It has no boundaries. For people from different walks of life, its really hard to understand it. No exact definition of cybercrime can be given. Cybercrime in Pakistan has immensely increased in the past two decades. We had no digital forensic and information data experts. No latest system was available. Previously we had no legislation on cybercrimes until when Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) 2016, was passed by the government. This research paper analyzes cybercrime, its meaning and origination, different difficulties, laws of cybercrime and its punishment given under the PECA. Some deficiencies along with few suggestions have been highlighted in the current setup of cybercrime and policy making at the end.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lawyer, District Courts Mardan, KP Bar Council, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Cybercrime-and-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392342</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Mothers Role and Perception in Developing Gender Discrimination</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Anjum Bano Kazimi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ali Shaikh</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Stephen John</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Gender Equality. Gender Discrimination</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Perception</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Consequences</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study of the role and perception of mothers in developing gender discrimination is focused on analyzing motherÂ’s role, as their role in developing child personality and social behavior is proved by the researches. Present research is a mixed method research, mothers were the population , a total 183 mothers were selected, data was collected through questionnaire and 16 mothers were selected for personal interview through purposive and random sampling .Validity was ascertained through expert opinion and reliability through Cronbach alpha .Results indicated that mothers from rural and urban areas of Sindh Pakistan have almost similar and very obvious discriminative behavior for daughters and sons mother do not realized implications of their behavior and they presents many arguments to justify their gender discriminative behavior. We concluded that awareness of the consequences of their behavior and education should be emphasized to change discriminative behavior for minimizing gender gap.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Education, IQRA University, Karachi, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Vice Chancellor/Meritorious Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, SMI University, Karachi, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Director ORIC, Sindh Madressatul Islam University, Karachi, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/mothers-role-and-perception-in-developing-gender-discrimination</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392343</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Organizational Culture Influences on Creativity and Innovation: A Review</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Noor Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Jaehoon Rhee</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Alisher Dedahanov</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Organizational Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Creativity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Innovation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Due to the rapid change in technology, the world becomes more globalized, the success and survival of any organization build upon on its ability to stay creative and innovative. Innovation and creativity are the twin processes and have shown the greatest significance, achievement and sustainability to an organization. Innovation and creativity go hand in hand; greater creativity is a clue to more innovations. Innovation is one of the leading elements which inducing business success in a tremendously modest and vibrant way. The scholars and specialists have struggled to contribute to enhance and develop the awareness of the real management of innovation. Up to the present time, although the literature on innovation is growing quickly, very slight consideration has been waged to the administrative and executive matters relating to creativity. The aim of this paper is to review all the previous literature on the connection of organizational culture with creativity and innovation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Business Administration, Yeungnam University South Korea.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, School of Business Administration, Yeungnam University South Korea.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, School of Business Administration, Yeungnam University South Korea.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/organizational-culture-influences-on-creativity-and-innovation-a-review</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392344</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Mistrust factor in Pak-Afghan Fluctuating Relations since Beginning</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Naveed Anjum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fazal Rabbi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mistrust</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bilateral Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The paper analyzes the fluctuations in Pak-Afghan relations throughout history and impacts of the foreign powers&apos; involvement in their relations. Both have cultural, economic and historical linkages being Muslim and neighbouring countries. Pakistan always tried to strengthen its relations with Afghanistan but the foreign powers&apos; involvement diminishes their mutual trust level. Pak-Afghan relations have never been constant since beginning, although, there are multiple bondage opportunities between them. Afghan President Hamid Karazai once called both states as &quot;Twin Brothers&quot; who do not afford enmity. Terrorism, Durand Line, cross border insurgency and refugee crisis are the main issues between them and both should develop a mechanism to resolve these issues. This mechanism must be too strong that any third country could not interfere. Both should resolve their issues through dialogue and not to blame each other. Bilateral trade and people to people contacts should be increased to enhance their trust.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor/Head, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/mistrust-factor-in-pakafghan-fluctuating-relations-since-beginning</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392345</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Issues in Sino-Indian Relations: Implications for Competition</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fakhr Ul Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>SanaUllah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anila</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sino-Indian Issues</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tibet and Dalai</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nuclear Nexus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hard and Soft Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic and Trade</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pak-China Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:description>India and China are the world&apos;s fast mounting economies influencing global politics affecting 2.5 billion of their subjects via their policies. Both states account for one-fifth of the total populace of the globe. Asia&apos;s overall progress, peace, prosperity and stability is directly influenced by the relations of these two Asian competitors. It is anticipated that by 2025, these states would be world&apos;s economies. However, bilateral disputes and enmity wield greater regional and global implications, which are intensely required to be resolved for the best and prosperous future. One of the most crucial aspects aggravating Sino-Indian relations is the asylum given to Dalai Lama and the status of Tibet. China has been assisting Pakistan economically and technically to build Gwadar Port, supporting Sri Lankan northern Hambantota Port, extending sustenance to Bangladesh&apos;s Chittagong Port, and furthering support to the Myanmar Port lying at the coastal region of the Indian Ocean. However, the strained relations for decades between India and China had given little space for healthy trade, increasing from 3 billion $ in 2000 to 20 billion $ in 2010.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/issues-in-sinoindian-relations-implications-for-competition</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392346</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Jihad or Revenge: Theorizing Radicalization in Pashtun Tribal Belt along the Border of Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayaz Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nelofar Ehsan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hina Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Jihad</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Radicalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pashtun</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tribal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>What this research work does is to explore the relationship between radicalization and social traditions of Badal (revenge) in the tribal area of Pakistan. What is argued is that when someone is not guilty of any crime or not involved in any unlawful acts but killed even by the most powerful like Americans, his revenge is considered to be a social obligation by his closer kin of the family. In this process, they may sometimes join organizations like Al-Qaeda or the Taliban in vengeance and often become an active member of a terrorist organization. What may be established is that it is not a religion but the social customs of that particular area that help the locals undergo an unavoidable process of radicalization. For any tribesman, fixing revenge is so important as only this way the victim can live with honor among his community.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/jihad-or-revenge-theorizing-radicalization-in-pashtun-tribal-belt-along-the-border-of-afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392347</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Democratization Under Military Rule: A Critical Review</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Adil Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazakat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Democratization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Authoritarianism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transformation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trans-placement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Replacement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Modernization</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Democratization refers to the political process leading to the establishment of democratic political order. Existing literature on democratization mostly discusses the transition from authoritarian structures to democracy in Eastern Europe and Latin America. This paper reviews the mainstream democratization theories in the context of Pakistan. It has been argued that three experiences of democratic transitions and authoritarian reversals have made Pakistan a classical case for developing new theoretical insights and a potent knowledge addition in the existing literature on democratization. This paper revolves around the two fundamental questions; firstly, under what conditions democratization becomes a possibility in an authoritarian state? Secondly, what are the possible modes of democratization?</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Hazara University Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Government College Havelian KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/democratization-under-military-rule-a-critical-review</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392348</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Media Sociology: An Appraisal</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Atif Shahzad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahid Yousaf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Media Sociology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Journalists</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Objectivity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Biases</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Content</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Construction of Message</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Influences</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The term media sociology most often refers to the study of various influences on media content, it encompasses the factors shaping media content for certain effects. Studies that look into the socialization of media workers, their professional attitude and many other things associated with them, found the absence of objectivity and abundance of biases in media content. They present a clear-cut version that whatever masses consume is the mediated content in one way or another. Whereas, some studies seem to declare objectivity in media content not more than a myth. This review article solely revolves around the question &quot;what factors inside and outside of the media organizations influence the media content?&quot; The researchers reviewed a large number of research articles and dissertations regarding media sociology and added valuable contribution to literature.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Centre for Media &amp; Communication Studies, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor,Department of Centre for Media &amp; Communication Studies,University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Media-Sociology-An-Appraisal</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392349</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Crisis of Governance in Pakistan: A Critical Analysis of Benazir Bhutto Government (1988-1990).</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bakhtiar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Arif Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Irfan Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Benazir Bhutto</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Government and Opposition</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Democratic governance empowers and provides citizens the opportunity to live a life of their free will. Unfortunately, Pakistans democracy is confronted with numerous challenges. Among these challenges, governance issues are worthy of attention. The paper especially focuses on PPPs first tenure under Benazir Bhutto in terms of its commitment to democratic governance. It was expected that the norms of democracy would be strengthened, and the country would never see dictatorial rule again in any manifestation. This paper examines PPPs style of governance keeping in view its fragile position in the parliament and the all-over hostile working environment in the country in 1988-90. Centreprovincial relationship; especially Punjab, has also been taken into account. The study explores Benazirs claims and struggles for strengthening democracy. Furthermore, the paper highlights those factors that made the party to fulfil its commitments and to bring the systm of good governance in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science,  University of Buner, Swari, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Buner, Swari, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer,Department of Political Science, University of Buner, Swari, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/The-Crisis-of-Governance-in-Pakistan-A-Critical-Analysis-of-Benazir-Bhutto-Government-1988-1990</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392350</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Smartphone Addiction: A Boon or Bane for Pakistani University Students</dc:title>
<dc:creator>M. Anees ul Husnain Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iqbal Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>M. Adnan Maqbool</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Smartphone Usage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Textbook Use</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Self-Study</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Academic Session</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The use of smartphones has enormously increased among students around the world. Few studies have focused on this critical issue in Pakistan. This study examined the influence of Smartphone addiction in Pakistan. A survey questionnaire was utilized to collect data consisting of three dimensions: (a) Smartphone usage, (b) textbook use, and (c) self-study. A total of 401 university students responded to the survey. The data were analyzed by calculating descriptive statistics, independent sample t-test, and ANOVA. The results showed significant differences in students&apos; perceptions of all three dimensions of the questionnaire regarding gender, age, Grade Point Average (GPA), and year (academic session). Male students were found to have a higher tendency towards Smartphone use than female students compared to textbook use and self-study. The results of this study have broader policy implications for researchers and teachers of higher education.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Education, University of Education DG khan Campus, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Education, University of Malakand, Chakdara, Dir Lower, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, I.E.R, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/smartphone-addiction-a-boon-or-bane-for-pakistani-university-students</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392351</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Analysis of Pakistan&apos;s Policy Towards Afghan Refugees: A Legal Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Zubair</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Aqeel Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muzamil Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Influx</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Refugees</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Registration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>SAFRON and UNHCR.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article explores Pakistan&apos;s policy towards Afghan refugees since their arrival into Pakistan in 1979. As Pakistan has no refugee related law at national level nor is a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its Protocol of 1967; but despite of all these obstacles it has welcomed the refugees from Afghanistan after the Russian aggression. During their stay here in Pakistan, these refugees have faced various problems due to the non-existence of the relevant laws and have been treated under the Foreigner&apos;s Act of 1946, which did not apply to them. What impact this absence of law has made on the lives of these Afghan refugees? Here various phases of their arrival into Pakistan as well as the shift in policies of the government of Pakistan have been also discussed in brief. This article explores all these obstacles along with possible legal remedies.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Superintendent, Department of Law, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/analysis-of-pakistans-policy-towards-afghan-refugees-a-legal-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392352</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>CASA-1000: Its Potential for Regional Trade and Development</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zaheer Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Inayat Kalim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CASA-1000</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electricity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Energy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trade</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Development</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Central Asia South Asia Electricity Transmission and Trade Project (CASA-1000) is a trans-regional project aiming transition of 1300 megawatts hydroelectric power from Central Asian states; Tajikistan and Kyrgyz Republic, to South Asian countries; Afghanistan and Pakistan. This is not merely an energy project transiting electricity but having potential to enhance bilateral and multilateral cooperation among participating states beyond the regional level. After its successful completion, the project will help increasing regionalism to connectivity, surge development to mutual trade and serve energy complementary situation to new openings in multidimensional fields. The paper aims to highlight the likely opportunities and benefits of realization of the project.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of IR, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of IR, COMSATS University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/casa1000-its-potential-for-regional-trade-and-development</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392353</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pale Dawn of Democracy: Post Ziaul Haq political developments and 1988 Elections in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ali Shaikh</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Stephen John</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ann Samson</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Elections 1988</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Benazir Bhutto</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ziaul Haq</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The death of Pakistans Chief of Army Staff and President, General Ziaul Haq, with several senior army officers in a plane crash in August 1988 ushered Pakistan in utter chaos and uncertainty. Though his successors in power positions ruled in favor of democracy, the elections were heavily influenced to in favor of pro-establishment parties and against PPP and its leader Benazir Bhutto. The policies adopted and actions taken by the holders of Constitutional offices and prime state institutions subjected the country to political fragmentation. The present study takes stock of the political developments taking place from the death of General Ziaul Haq till the formation of the new political governments in the Center and provinces in December 1988.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ex Vice Chancellor, Sindh Madressatul Islam University, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Education, Sindh Madressatul Islam University, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Education, Federal Urdu University of Arts, Science and Technology, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pale-dawn-of-democracy-post-ziaul-haq-political-developments-and-1988-elections-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-III).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392354</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Complex Knot between Sovereignty of States and Secession in International Law: Evidence from Around the World</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayaz Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nilofar Ihsan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hina Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sovereignty of States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>States&apos; Rights</dc:subject>
<dc:description>It is interesting to note that international law doesn&apos;t talk about the secession of any group from the parent state in express words. However, at the same time, it doesn&apos;t deny people&apos;s right to self-determination too. Despite all this ambiguity about secession in international law, state dissolution hasn&apos;t stopped. This secession is justified on two strands of theoretical arguments. The first one suggests that it is everyone&apos;s fundamental right to live or not to live in a particular state by forming a state of their own. The second one suggests that if a state commits atrocities on a particular community, and the victims exhaust all legal and democratic means to emancipate themselves and their community, they can resort to secession and separation from the parent state in the last resort. However, secession on such grounds is covered by norms and provisions of international law in the post-colonial world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, AWKUM, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-complex-knot-between-sovereignty-of-states-and-secession-in-international-law-evidence-from-around-the-world</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-III).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392355</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Post Transition Challenges to Emergent Democracy: A Study of 2008 Transition in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Adil Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazakat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civilian rule</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Election</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NRO</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan&apos;s history is witness to the fact that in all cases of the military takeover, though Military Regimes initially were able to consolidate, yet with the passage of time, growing discontent, desire for change, and the gradual erosion of legitimacy pose a serious threat to not only the regime but also the institutional interests of the military. International allies of the regime also feel it difficult to support an unpopular regime at home. Thus the combination of internal and external pressures compels the regime to transfer power to civilian leadership. Emerging democracy, in the post-transition period, faces a multitude of challenges. This paper investigates various challenges posed to the newly installed government of the PPPP led alliance after the transition of 2008. The paper is based upon the juxtaposition of primary and secondary sources to enrich and substantiate the arguments.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Government College Havelian Abbottabad, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Hazara University, Mansehar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/post-transition-challenges-to-emergent-democracy-a-study-of-2008-transition-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-III).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392356</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Empowering Political Executive: Analysing Government-Opposition Relations Amidst Constitutional Development During Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Regime</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Arif Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bakhtiar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saif Ul Islam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Constitutional Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Amendments</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Parliamentary System</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provincial  Autonomy and Opposition.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The era of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto is characterized by sensational and dramatic political developments. As the post-1972 developments revealed, Bhuttos style of politics was quite different from what he had been projecting ever since 1967. The PPP was lacking the collaborative working mechanism. The opposition leaders sensed undemocratic treatment all the time. The PPP victory in the firstever general elections of 1970 afforded to the party an opportunity to make a new beginning. A change in the attitude of the party leadership, however, did not allow the ship of the nation to sail smoothly. This paper evaluates the performance of the PPP government with reference regarding constitutional development when PPP was in power. The purpose is to determine whether or not the PPP style of politics was in line with the spirit of the Constitution and under the established principles of democracy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science,University of Buner, Swari, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science,University of Buner, Swari, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,  Department of Political Science,University of Buner, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Empowering-Political-Executive:-Analysing-Government-Opposition-Relations-Amidst-Constitutional-Development-During-Zulfikar-Ali-Bhutto-Regime</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392357</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Relationship between Consumption of TV Political Programs and Media Malaise in Shaping Political Efficacy among Students</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amber Mubeen</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noshina Saleem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Faiza Latif</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Cynicism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>External Political Efficacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Malaise</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Participation.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study explores the relationship between consuming Pakistani TV political programs and media malaise to shape external efficacy among University students of Lahore. This study assumed that entrainment and talk shows make students cynical, distrustful and pessimistic; commonly known as media malaise which causes them to affect their external efficacy. Media malaise has been measured with two indicators namely cynicism and political participation. Students of two public sector Universities from Lahore city were taken as population and survey method was applied to get students responses. Data analysis (N=758) shares an interesting result, that there is a positive relationship between consumption of infotainment shows and media malaise, which shows that political programs are making students cynical, distrustful and pessimistic about the political milieu. This hypothesis was also accepted that media malaise effects reduce the external efficacy of students by making them distrustful about the political environment of the country</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Institute of Communication Studies,University of The Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor,Institute of Communication Studies, University of The Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Mass Communication, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Relationship-between-Consumption-of-TV-Political-Programs-and-Media-Malaise-in-Shaping-Political-Efficacy-among-Students</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392358</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>History of Coalitions in Pakistan (1947 To 1973) and the Factors Shaping it</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Qasim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ahmad Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Coalition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dictatorship</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pluralism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Parliamentary democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alliance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>A political alliance is a temporary combination of groups or individuals formed to pursue specific objectives through joint action. Pluralist democracies are characterized by alliances and coalitions by diverse political parties. Political parties, desiring to exercise powers in democracies having parliamentary setups, naturally have to come in coalition with the major political party in parliament. Political parties sometimes make preelection alliances while some make coalitions in the post-election era with the ruling party. Alliance political culture has deep-rooted impacts on Pakistani politics. These alliances gave tough times to military dictators throughout the history of Pakistan and contributed towards strengthening democracy in Pakistan. For instance, Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) was formed on 30th April 1967against Ayub Khan and the Movement for Restoration of Democracy on 8th February 1981. This paper enunciates and explores the politics of coalition in Pakistan before the dismemberment of Bangladesh and its impacts on the consequent events.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science,  University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Higher Education Peshawar,KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/History-of-Coalitions-in-Pakistan-1947-To-1973-and-the-Factors-Shaping-it</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392359</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Interactive Effect of Perceived Organizational Politics and Hierarchical Status on Workplace Victimization</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amna Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farooq Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shahida Mariam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Organizational politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>employee status</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>workplace victimization</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Drawing upon deviant place theory, we examined the role of organizational politics in workplace victimization considering the moderating effect of employees hierarchical status in the context of higher educational institutions in Pakistan. Data was collected from 313 employees holding various positions in the teaching faculty of selected universities in Lahore. The survey instrument consisted of existing validated scales to measure the proposed variable; the same were also found consistently reliable in this study. We performed correlation, simple regression, and multiple regression analyses to test hypotheses. Organizational politics indicated to be a strongly positive associate of workplace victimization. The moderated model explained significant variance in workplace victimization indicating that victimization initiated by organizational politics varied with the positional status that the victim holds in the hierarchy. We suggest that a political climate should be discouraged to prevent negative outcomes of victimization at work.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Student,Department of Business Administration,Virtual University of Pakistan, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Faculty of Management Science, SZABIST, Larkana, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Librarian,Department of Business &amp; Commerce,Government Institute of Commerce, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Interactive-Effect-of-Perceived-Organizational-Politics-and-Hierarchical-Status-on-Workplace-Victimization</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392360</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Reimagining the Populism and Leadership of Miss Fatima Jinnah</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sana Zaheer</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Iqbal Chawla</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ideational Approach</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Leadership</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Miss Fatima Jinnah</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Presidential Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article explores dynamics of Miss Fatima Jinnah’s leadership qualities by applying the Ideational approach. The article aims to re-think the scenario of Pakistan at the eve of presidential elections 1965 with regarding populism. It underscores causes, events and consequences of the 1965’s Elections by re-contextualizing the views and actions of Miss Jinnah. She won the elections, but a large-scale rigging deprived her of becoming the first lady President of Pakistan and in Islamic World. She did not play an active part in the political arena until the Presidential elections challenging the military dictator. This study attempts to answer why the Mother of the land opted for the politics of resistance; how she took an active part in the election campaign, and what were the implications of her participation in the elections by situating her role in national politics through the theoretical lens of populism.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor (Former Dean of arts and Former Chairman), Department of History, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Reimagining-the-Populism-and-Leadership-of-Miss-Fatima-Jinnah</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392361</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Prospects for Pak-China Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Faiqa Mushtaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pak-China counterterrorism narrative</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Enhancing economic relations through CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Instability and conflict in Pakistan-Afghan region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indo-US growing strategic ties.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>South Asia is in focus of global geopolitics since the advent of the 21st century. China is an economic giant and outreaching towards West through Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). CPEC (part of BRI) has brought Pakistan in streamline in regional geopolitics. United States (US) is worried about Chinas rise, for its national interests are in danger in Asia so, it perused Pivot to Asia strategy to counter China in Asia while manipulating India. This situation has increased Pakistans importance for China. The article will assess Pak-China cordial relations and answer the following questions. Will Pakistan be helpful to China in addressing the challenges to regional peace? How will Pak-China cooperation counter Indo-US strategic partnership? What are Pak-China mutual efforts to curb terrorism?</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Head Mistress, Department of International Relations, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Prospects-for-Pak-China-Relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392362</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>BRICS and African Region Partnership: Challenges and Opportunities</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Atif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>BRICS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regionalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>WTO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United Nations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>African Region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Africa</dc:subject>
<dc:description>BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) has amplified its regional and global impact. The economic success of BRICS is a motivation to Africa because BRICS and African region have a similar historical background. The partnership between Africa and the BRICS has extended fresh drive and created ample interest in last decades because BRICS is playing an important role in international trade, investment and global governance. Growing economic relations of the BRICS with African region can be exemplary for global world. These relations are prospective of a suitable way of economic change and sustainable progress in the African region. The resource of African region makes many opportunities and challenges among BRICS- African regions partnership. The interest of western powers also prevail in the African region. This article commences a fair inquiry of the BRICS relation with African region, possible opportunities and challenges.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Phd Scholar, Institute of Social Sciences, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor/Chairman, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/BRICS-and-African-Region-Partnership-Challenges-and-Opportunities</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392363</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistans Security Dilemma with Afghanistan and India</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tariq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Arif Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bakhtiar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Security Dilemma</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Border</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Security dilemma plays an important part in determining state relations when particularly they are next door neighbors. In such a condition, it becomes difficult for the states to keep their security protected. Nations have to adopt policies that are beneficial for their national interest. An important function of security dilemma is that it also supports the balance of power theory which helps in balancing and counterbalancing of the countries. As far as, Pakistans security is concerned, it has two dimensions; the internal dimension which has greatly subsided during the present government while external dimension has always been like a Hanging Sword of Damocles. Pakistan is faced with this dilemma on both its eastern and western borders. The eastern border has caused three wars against India while the western border created trouble for Pakistan in the post-9/11 scenario. This paper discusses Pakists security dilemma with Afghanistan and India.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Teacher, Elementary and Secondary Education Department, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Buner (Swari), KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Buner (Swari), KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Pakistans-Security-Dilemma-with-Afghanistan-and-India</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392364</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>News Values on Social Media and use of Twitter</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zahid Yousaf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rooh ul Amin Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Malik Adnan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>News values</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Twitter</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>and Newsworthiness.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The deceptively simple question remains unquestioned as &quot;what news values are there particularly for social media?&quot; As we implement the future of News writing in the hand of digital age, news values need to be identified and questioned. This article examines the main features of news values of social media specifically of Twitter which is no doubt the rapid source of news dissemination. This study explores the extent to which Harcup and ONeills given news values for journalism and how they faced by social media platforms. Evaluation by researchers shows that major chunk was &quot;Relevancy&quot; While dominant geographical proximity found to be mainly adopted by twitter account holders. Whereas, the least one unsurprisingly &quot;Entertainment&quot; which literally prove that Twitter is habitually used for hard news rather than soft news.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Centre for Media and Communication Studies, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Media and Communication Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/news-values-on-social-media-and-use-of-twitter</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392365</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>CPEC a Gateway: Changing the Lives of Intra and Inter-Regional People</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ujala Siddiq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zargham Ullah Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aisha Tahir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>People.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>CPEC is an ongoing development megaproject which aims to connect Gwadar Port of Pakistan to Chinas northwestern region of Xinjiang, via a network of highways, railways, and pipelines. The economic corridor is considered central to China-Pakistan relations and will run about 2700 km from Gwadar to Kashgar. The vision and mission of CPEC are &quot;To improve the lives of people of Pakistan and China&quot;. By building an economic corridor promoting bilateral connectivity, construction, explore potential bilateral investment, economic and trade, logistics and people to people contact for regional connectivity. It includes integrated transport, IT systems including road, rail, seaports, air and data communication channels, energy cooperation, spatial layout, functional zones, industries and industrial parks, agricultural development and poverty alleviation. This intimacy will lead to human resource development. In this paper, a study is done by collecting primary data by questionnaires. The development of the health sector and the construction of the hospital, water filtration plants and other facilities have been checked and analyzed. The question that is answered by conducting this study is; will this project help to change the lives of the people and will facilitate them nicely?</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Faculty of Contemporary Studies, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Hailey College of Banking and Finance, University of Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Junior Regional Manager SMEDA.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/cpec-a-gateway-changing-the-lives-of-intra-and-interregional-people</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392366</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Russia, United States and China in South Asian Politics: Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Iftikhar Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ramzan Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>IOR</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:description>End of the Cold War caused a paradigm shift in world politics by converting the bipolar world into a unipolar world with the emergence of the USA as a sole superpower in the field of international politics. Indo-US obnoxious nexus has put the security situation in perils in South Asia. America is in a full endeavor to contain China to halt her everexpanding sphere of influence. Positive and proactive development in PakRussia relations, in the post-Cold War period, has caused ripples in the stagnant waters of political, economic and strategic areas of mutual interest. On the global level Sino-US rivalry in Indian Ocean Region (IOR). While, on the other hand, so far as a regional factor is concerned, Pakistan and China have evolved very cordial and cooperative relations in order to complete China&apos;s Belt and Road (BRI) and China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Pak-Russia relations would go on to enter, from both sides, into complete trust, confidence-building and mutual reliance on each other.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/russia-united-states-and-china-in-south-asian-politics-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392367</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Executive Assaults on Supreme Court of Pakistan and Movement for Independent Judiciary: 2007-09</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hina Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sana Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayaz Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Judiciary</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Supreme Court</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Chief Justice of Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rule of Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Army</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan, since independence, has become a laboratory for constitutional experiments, with the judiciary playing the most controversial role. Under the theory of necessity, the superior judiciary has legalized military takeovers. Although controversial as a judge of the Supreme Court of Pakistan, Iftekhar Muhammad Chaudhry was found to be a changed person the moment he took his seat as a Chief Justice of Pakistan. However, the situation was not conducive for any action that went against the will of the military ruler. But the Judge-Bench collaboration supported by the entire civil society initiated a movement to negate and nullify the dictates of a dictator. The movement led by the Black Coats community extended over years, bearing hardships of all kinds. The movement was successful in forcing General Musharraf to uphold the provisions of the constitution and rules of established law. The entire nation emerged victorious in upholding what is called the rule of law.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/executive-assaults-on-supreme-court-of-pakistan-and-movement-for-independent-judiciary-200709</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392368</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Representation of the Orient: A Postcolonial Perspective on Robert Greene&apos;s Selimus</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazakat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adil Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Selimus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Orientalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Oriental Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ottoman Turks</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Occident/Orient Binary</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Amidst a variety of cultural cum representational notions of individual or group identity, postcolonial studies attempt not only to explore and unfold how Eurocentric logos builds social realities but employs ways also to deconstruct the stereotypes. It provides theorists and critics with analytical methods to see how a fictional work supports or subverts a common paradigm based on Eurocentrism. The aim of this paper is to analyze Robert Greene&apos;s play Selimus and Western logos rules oriental discourse and how the Orient is (mis)represented. The study contends that the play under-study follows the traditional literary chain of ousting the Orient from the center either by making it suppressed or a satanic evil. In Selimus, for instance, the Turks, like other oriental races such as the Arabs, the Moors, the Persians and so on, are represented in the early modern writings as the &quot;grand evil&quot; whose infidelity is a threat to the Christian world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Government College Havelian KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Hazara University Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/representation-of-the-orient-a-postcolonial-perspective-on-robert-greenes-selimus</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392369</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Suspension of Article 370: Assessment of Modis Kashmir Masterstroke under Hindutva Ideology</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Farooq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Umbreen Javaid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>RSS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jammu &amp; Kashmir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hindutva Ideology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>BJP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Article 370.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The establishment of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) during 1940-1944 in the state of Jammu &amp; Kashmir paved way for the execution of Hindutva ideology. With the rise of BJP in the center, Prime Minister Narendra Modi abolished ‘article 370’ stripping Kashmir from its special status on 5 August 2019. The socalled ‘Modi’s masterstroke’ is aimed at converting Muslim majority into a minority. The move has provoked widespread public protests in the region, leading to the imposition of prolonged curfew and suspension of basic human rights in the state. This paper would highlight the effects of Hindutva ideology and the impact of the recent ‘Modi’s masterstroke’ on the region. It would also scrutinize the role of RSS backed BJP in creating a ‘life imprisonment’ situation for the Muslim majority state.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor,Faculty of Behavioral &amp; Social Sciences,University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Suspension-of-Article-370-Assessment-of-Modis-Kashmir-Masterstroke-under-Hindutva-Ideology</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392370</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Interfaith Harmony in Pakistan: An Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hafsa Yaseen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Harmony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extremism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Violence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Punjab</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan is a religious and Islamic state. The religion followed in Pakistan is Islam with a proportion of 98% being a peaceful religion; it protects the rights of every individual without discrimination of any religion. The constitution of Pakistan also protects the rights of every citizen. In this paper, the researchers have tried to figure out the meaning of interfaith harmony and how state policies and state politicians are playing their role in promoting peace and harmony. Quantitative research method is followed by filling the questionnaires by the respondents mostly from the South Punjab region. The sample population was Muslims and Non-Muslims. In the end, researchers evaluated whether interfaith harmony prevails in Pakistan and nonMuslims and whether they can enjoy the same rights as the Muslim citizens of Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Chairman, Department of Political Science, Bahuddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting LecturerDepartment of Political Science,  Bahuddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Interfaith-Harmony-in-Pakistan-An-Analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392371</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistani English Press during War on Terror: A Media Conformity Approach</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aasima Safdar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Samia Manzoor</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aqsa Iram Shahzadi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistani English Press</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>War on Terror</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Conformity Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Editorials</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Thematic Analysis.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The present research focused on how much Pakistani English press tracked the foreign policy stance of the Pakistani government in the presentation of incidents related to the war on terror. Pakistani authorities reinforced war on terror and Afghanistan war but did not support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003. For the present analysis, the editorials of Dawn and the Nation were selected from 12 September 2001 to 11 September 2003. Thematic analysis of the editorial coverage through NVIVO 10 was conducted. It was found that, during the war against Afghanistan that took place in 2001, Pakistani English press did not support the Pakistani governments stance. Many critical themes were noted from the data. However, during Iraq war that happened in 2003, Pakistani English press toed the Pakistani governments policy during and stressed the government to take more proactive stance against Iraq war. Overall, it could be stated that the Pakistani English press partially conformed the foreign policy stance of Pakistani government.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Communication Studies,Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Communication Studies,  Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Communication Studies,Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Pakistani-English-Press-during-War-on-Terror-A-Media-Conformity-Approach</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392372</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Role of Global Powers in the Prolongation of the Syrian Conflict</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saima Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tayyab</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Arif Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Power Transition Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arab Spring</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civil War.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since the peoples uprising in 2011 against the authoritarian regime of Bashar Al Assad and its oppressive policies, Syria is entangled in a long spiral of violent conflict. Though several factors explain the violent nature of the conflict and its longevity. However, the geopolitical interests of the regional and global powers like Saudi Arabia vs. Iran and the US vs. Russia respectively, in this country has been the main determinant of this war. The intervention of the US and Russia in this war for their vested geopolitical interests has brought havoc and disaster to the country. By supporting opposite parties both these states have, instead of creating peace, prolonged the conflict for almost a decade. This paper tries to analyze the role of the global powers in the Syrian civil war, through the Power Transition Theory. No prospects of peace are visible in the near future as long as they try to balance one anothers power or unless there emerges a clear dominant power.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer,Department of International Relations,University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar,  National Defence University Islamabad, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of Political Science,University of Buner, Swari, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/The-Role-of-Global-Powers-in-the-Prolongation-of-the-Syrian-Conflict</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392373</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indo-Russian Strategic Relations under Putin</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Surat Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Soviet Union</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multipolar world</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Trust, mutual understanding and compatibility, and common interests in the international system remained the pillars of Indo-Russian relations for seventy years. It brought them closer to each other to cooperate in the areas of defense, trade and technology. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, both New Delhi and Moscow experienced a low-level relation, but since the coming of Putin, relations between the two have taken a new turn. Besides strategic cooperation, the nations joined hands to make policies for better diplomacy, multipolar world, countering insurgencies, climate change, technology and defense cooperation and terrorism. Besides this strong partnership and common interests, Indo-Russia is facing multiple challenges, particularly in the wake of changing dynamics in Asia politics. This research intends to analyze the history of the indo-Russian strategic partnership with a specific focus on Putins era.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD,Department of Political Science,University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Indo-Russian-Strategic-Relations-under-Putin</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392374</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Impact of Abusive Constitutionalism on Democracy in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Husnul Amin</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shafiq Qurban</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maryam Siddiqa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>21st Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Abusive constitutionalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civil liberties.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research concerns the constitutional development in Pakistan with a specific reference to 21st Amendment to the Constitution of Pakistan. It is widely perceived among scholarly and semi-scholarly circles that the tendency of militarys direct intervention in politics; toppling democratically elected government has been declined for the last many decades across the world. According to the new trends, military interferes in the state affairs through indirect means. One of the indirect means includes abusive constitutionalism that involves constitutional amendment and constitutional replacement as mechanisms for constitutional change. The paper explores whether 21st Amendment to Constitution of Pakistan was an abusive constitutionalism that really empowered military to get a strong hold on key policy making areas of national interest during the democratic rule. The research concludes that the 21st Amendment was an abusive constitutionalism as it curtailed civil liberties and fundamental rights of the citizens and hence undermined democracy in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Rawalpindi Law College, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, IRD, International Islamic University Islamabad, pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/The-Impact-of-Abusive-Constitutionalism-on-Democracy-in-Pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392375</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Conditions and Challenges of the PR Industry in Pakistan in the 21st Century: Practitioners&apos; Perspective and Perceptions</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mudassir Mukhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Salma Umber</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mudassar Hussain Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>PR conditions in Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PR practitioners&apos; opinions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>The Future of PR in Pakistan.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper contributes to the professional maturity of the profession by highlighting the problems faced by the practitioners and their professional solutions. The data and analysis are based on structured qualitative interviews of the highest ranked PR (public relation) professionals working as the heads of PR departments in government and private institutions. Practitioners urged to establish Pakistani public relations substructures well-suited with local cultural realities. Practitioners believed that public relations critical role in strengthening democracy in Pakistan to promote democratic traditions and usage of social capital, civil society and public sphere, recognitions of PR as a management function, preparation of a national narrative against terrorism, adoption of new technological advancements, less focusing on internal public and controlling unrealistic boss publicity are the major challenges in the public relations industry in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, University of NUML, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-conditions-and-challenges-of-the-pr-industry-in-pakistan-in-the-21st-century-practitioners-perspective-and-perceptions</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392376</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Polio Endemic: Perceptions and Practices from Sohan Village, Islamabad</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aftab Ahmed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Umer Hayat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Polio</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Polio Eradication</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Polio Vaccination</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Poliomyelitis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Polio and Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan is a polio endemic country as stated by Global Polio Eradication Initiative. Number of polio cases increased in last few years especially in KPK and tribal areas. Present study was focused to collect opinion regarding information, perception and practices about polio among residents of village Sohan. A sample of 100 was interviewed. Data was entered and analyzed in SPSS. A dominant majority consider polio is treatable. Vaccination helps to get healthy and, risk increased by lack of immunization. Practices represent that 94% vaccinated their children, 89% cooperated with polio teams at the time of survey, and 35 parents reported that they refused polio teams at least once in their life. Study concludes that awareness, perception and practices regarding sensitivity of the topic are very much clear to respondents, and majority fulfilling their responsibilities being a parent and also being a citizen of Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor/Chairman, Department of Anthropology, PMAS-Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan,</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Fellow, Department of Sociology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Student, Department of Anthropology, PMAS-Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Polio-Endemic-Perceptions-and-Practices-from-Sohan-Village-Islamabad</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392377</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Question of US Hegemony and COVID-19 Pandemic</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shabana Fayyaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Salma Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Hegemony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>COVID</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>politics US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:description>A key feature of contemporary international politics is the changing nature of American presence on the world stage. Before the COVID-19 pandemic emerged, power of the United States (U.S.) as a unipolar superpower was experiencing change, giving way to multipolarity. For the past three decades, America was the predominant global power, leading the international response to every man-made or natural crisis and calamity. This time, however, the complexity of the COVID-19 pandemic has undermined the American ability to lead the international community in managing the impact of COVID-19 pandemic. By its very nature, COVID-19 is challenging prevailing international norms of hard and soft power. This paper critically evaluates the role of American power, its central position in the international political economy and global governance to highlight how deeply it is embedded in the international order, and suited to mount a global response to an international challenge.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Question-of-US-Hegemony-and-COVID-19-Pandemic</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392378</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Social Media, Democracy and Fake News in Pakistan: An Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Haseeb Ur Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shabir Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Durreshehwar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Fake News</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics and Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cult and Populism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Algorithm.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In this study, the researchers examined the prevalence of fake news in the social media debates on Pakistani politics and society. The content analysis showed that both Twitter and Facebook carried a sizeable number of fake news relating to the politics and international affairs, military, economy and religion. Though more fake news was posted relating to politics and politicians, fake news stories relating to international relations got more likes and share as compared to other topics. Interestingly, even though the fake news was busted as fake and not genuine, these continued getting attention of people. This indicates the influence of cult following and populism on the Pakistani social media users. The findings of this study support the available scholarship on the prevalence of fake news, its popularity and spread in the Western world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Arts and Media, Foundation University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Arts &amp; Media, Behria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Arts &amp; Media, Foundation University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Social-Media-Democracy-and-Fake-News-in-Pakistan-An-Analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392379</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Emerging Health Security Threats and Impact of Bioterrorism on the U.S. National Security</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rubina Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Inamullah Jan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Biological Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Preparedness</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Biosafety</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Countermeasures</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public Health</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Bioterrorism fear increases after the deliberate release of biological agents at the end of the twentieth century. Letters containing anthrax powder were posted through the U.S. postal system which produces fear among the population. The anthrax assaults after 9/11 made the nation conscious that the public health system is ill-prepared to administer a large-scale emergency. Bioterrorism issue is associated with the deliberate spreading of dangerous diseases thus how comprehensive bioterrorism prevention measures should be taken. Hence, the emergence of bioterrorism has enforced the US administration to transform its national security policy against nontraditional threats. The article shows how bioterror remains a credible threat and poses substantial challenges to the U.S. public health system. Additionally, analysis reveals how resilient public health infrastructure is dominant not only to shielding and enhancing the publics health security but also crucial for the nations security.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Politics &amp; International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Politics &amp; International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies and History, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/emerging-health-security-threats-and-impact-of-bioterrorism-on-the-us-national-security</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392380</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>US-Afghan Talks: Myths and Realities</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tariq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Talks</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article focuses on US-Taliban talks in the context of intra-Afghan talks. The talks provide for the restoration of peace in Afghanistan and withdrawal of the US troops from Afghanistan after a period of about 19 years. It also provides for the swap of 5,000 Taliban held by the government and 1,000 Afghan in the custody of Taliban. The agreement cannot be put into practice on account of mutual distrust by both the Afghan government and the Taliban. Though there is pressure from the US over the Afghan government for resumption of talks with Taliban yet no fruitful result has been obtained. The government of Afghanistan is not only faced with threat of insurgency from Taliban but also the ISKP or ISIS. The US withdrawal from Afghanistan and failure of the US-Taliban talks is testimony to the fact that Realism has failed to shape the politics of the smaller states.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>School Teacher, Teacher at Elementary &amp; Secondary Education Department Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/usafghan-talks-myths-and-realities</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392381</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A New Calculation of Global Leadership: Post Corona World Order</dc:title>
<dc:creator>M. Abdul Aziz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Global Pandemic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Leadership</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Post-Corona World Order</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Health Security</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Global pandemic has largely impacted the world political, economic and cultural phenomena with breeding many new components. The leadership has also been in a new face, influenced by new indicators along with existing others. This article found the health management capability, environmental viability, HDI index and intelligence capacities as the new components of determining global leadership along with existing political, economic, cultural and military might. The security paradigm has also been shaped in new face by admitting health threat as the global concern. Collective coordination with an aim to deal global threat like epidemic has been immensely needed. Information sharing, scientific and technological cooperation are newly articulated as the core components of global cooperation. The sign of nationalism, racism, xenophobia has been also resurfaced across the world</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Executive Director, Bangladesh Institute of Islamic Thought (BIIT), Dhaka, Bangladesh.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/a-new-calculation-of-global-leadership-post-corona-world-order</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392382</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Islamic Family Values Depicted in Urdu Drama before and during Cable Era</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rooh ul Amin Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Yasar Arafat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Atif Shahzad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Infidel Spouses</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extramarital Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Married Couple</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study aims to describe the content analysis of televised Urdu dramas before and after the advent of the cable. This research focuses that how relationships between the married couple are depicted in televised Urdu drama serials. The Islamic objective of marriage is examined in this study. This study divided the Urdu drama serials into two broad eras, pre cable and post cable eras, it is observed that in pre cable dramas serials, relationship between the married couple was more positive and loving and more in accord with Islamic objective of marriage. On the other hand, in post cable era, the relationship between husband and wife presented in televised Urdu drama serials found to be more negative, deviating from the Islamic objective of marriage. Extramarital relations are on the increase side in post cable era; these relations were absent pre cable Urdu drama serials.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D Scholar, Department of Media and Communication Studies, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Media and Communication Studies, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/islamic-family-values-depicted-in-urdu-drama-before-and-during-cable-era</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392383</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Jirga after Militancy: Traditional Social Justice System in Dara Adam Khel FR Kohat, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Kamran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sarfraz Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ikram Badshah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Traditional System</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tribal Area</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jirga</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dispute Resolution Mechanisms</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The current research was conducted in Dara Adam Khel, Pakistan to explore the structure and procedure of the informal social justice system- commonly known as Jirga. The war on terror made it imperious for tribal Pakhtuns to bring back their chaotic lives on the right track to achieve economic prosperity and peace in the region. Pakhtuns residing in Pakistan have been suffering from this tempestuous situation since decades. Terrorism has brought the social structure to standstill. Due to the war on terror, the Jirga system has experienced a serious setback. The Jirga system has served the Pakhtun society as a complete code of conduct in maintaining peace and harmony. The data was collected through Focus Group Discussions, Key Informant Interviews and In-Depth Interviews. Majority of the respondents were aged between 45 to 70 years and they were selected through purposive sampling technique.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, Quaid-I-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/jirga-after-militancy-traditional-social-justice-system-in-dara-adam-khel-fr-kohat-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392384</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Perfection and Working Women: Foucauldian Discourse Analysis of a Pakistani Morning Show</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Samina Noor</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Razia Musarrat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ilyas Ansari</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Neo-liberal Globalization (NLG)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Subjectivity</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper explores how the individuals (women) constitute their own subjectivity through neo-liberal discourses in Pakistan. This paper examines the media discourses on perfection in Pakistan based on the claim that such discourses may function to spread neoliberal thinking in society. Foucault notion of neo-liberal governmentality provides a theoretical basis for this work. This is an empirical study aimed at investigating discourse featuring in the Pakistani Morning show (Good Morning Show with Nida Yasir).This paper discusses the morning show in a way to reveal how technologies of neoliberal globalization produce and reproduce discourses in subjectivity.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Politics &amp; IR, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/perfection-and-working-women-foucauldian-discourse-analysis-of-a-pakistani-morning-show</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392385</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>CPEC: The U.S. Stance and its Impact on Pakistan-U.S. Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nayyer Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Umbreen Javaid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>BRI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Support</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ally</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Project</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Silk Route</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Connectivity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Commerce</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alice Wells</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>U.S.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a cluster of infrastructure-build-up projects for Pakistan with Chinese assistance was signed in 2013. The Rise of China had kept the U.S. perturbed for the last two decades, however its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) added salt to injury. The U.S. expressed its displeasure over CPEC, its policy makers gradually started bracketing Pakistan with China. At a juncture, when the U.S. was already unhappy with Pakistan due to numerous Afghanistan- related developments, its serious discomfort with CPEC impacted the bilateral relations considerably. The U.S. has been close to Pakistan since its independence particularly during Afghan War and War on Terror both economically and militarily. Similarly, China is an all-weather friend and natural strategic ally against India. The CPEC-oriented grudge has brought the U.S. closer to India which is a serious concern for Islamabad. The question of balancing relations between U.S. and China perplexes Pakistan policymakers.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, University of Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Dean, Faculty of Behavioral &amp; Social Sciences, University of Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/cpec-the-us-stance-and-its-impact-on-pakistanus-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).17</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392386</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Genre Analysis: A Study of Pakistani Wedding Invitation Cards</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nazish Amjad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fakhira Riaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Genre Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Invitation Cards</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Micro-linguistic analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The present study has examined the Pakistani wedding invitation cards. The objectives of this study are to conduct the genre analysis of wedding cards i.e. to analyze the moves, its order, communicative purpose and nature; and to explore the micro-linguistic features of the language of wedding invitation cards. For this purpose, fifty Baraat invitation cards, Mehndi invitation cards and wedding cards envelopes each was selected for the analysis by using models proposed by Swales (1990) and Bhatia (1993). The results revealed eleven moves in Baraat invitation cards, ten in Mehndi cards and five in wedding cards envelopes out of which some are optional and some are obligatory depending on the frequency of its occurrence in wedding cards. For the analysis of micro-linguistic features, Bhatia&apos;s model (1993) has been used. The micro-linguistic analysis includes sentence complexity, length of the sentence, verb, nouns, conjunctions and prepositions</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Student, Department of English, Fatima Jinnah Women University, The Mall, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Fatima Jinnah Women University, The Mall, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/genre-analysis-a-study-of-pakistani-wedding-invitation-cards</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).18</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392387</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Status of Physical Facilities and Students Achievement at Public and PEF Partner Schools in Punjab, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Arshad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nisar ul Haq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mumtaz Gul Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Physical Facilities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Check list for physical facilities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public Schools</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Annual result</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Performance.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The main aspiration of this study was to analyze the status of physical facilities and students achievement at Public and Punjab Education Foundation (PEF) partner schools in Punjab, Pakistan. The present study was quantitative in nature and survey approach was used. Multi-stage random sampling procedure was employed to pick out the sample from Sahiwal division. The sample of the study comprised of 506 public elementary schools Head Teachers and 146 PEF schools Principals. The researcher developed a checklist for physical facilities (CLPF), validated before data collection. The result of the study showed that Public schools had more physical facilities as compared to PEF partner schools. The annual result of Punjab Examination Commission (PEC) was taken as achievement of students. The performance of Public schools is better regarding students achievement as compared to PEF partner schools. It is highly recommended that PEF schools follow the physical infrastructure as present in public schools.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>SST Science, School Education Department, Govt. Fazilka Islamia Model High School Pakpattan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Educational Development, Karakoram International University, Gilgit Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Educational Development, Ghizer Campus, Karakoram International University, Gilgit Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/status-of-physical-facilities-and-students-achievement-at-public-and-pef-partner-schools-in-punjab-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).19</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392388</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of FM Radio on Pakistani Youth: Socio-Political Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Umair Chaudhary</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tanveer Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Ghani</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>FM Radio; Youth</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper is being presented to know and evaluate the socio-political influence of FM radio on Pakistan youth. At the time of partition and inception of Pakistan, Radio Pakistan was the only electronic medium available in the country. Radio has been the most powerful and useful informative/ educative tool for the reason that it has excellent outreach as compared to all other electronic mediums; with passing years it has been turning into a neglected medium due to the policies of sitting governments who have used radio medium for propagation of their agendas and made this useful source of information, an extol tool which only focused actions of government, instead of disseminating education, highlighting different social, cultural and political issues and awareness campaigns for the masses. Concrete and stunning efforts are still required to get maximize yield and benefit from the radio medium in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD, Department of Media Studies, Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant professor, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of management and technology Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant professor, School of Mass Communication, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-fm-radio-on-pakistani-youth-sociopolitical-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).20</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392389</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Interrogations and Prospective of Science Education at Secondary Level in Punjab, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nisa Ul Haq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mumtaz Gul Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Mahmood</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Science Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Classroom Management</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Evaluation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Teaching 	Methodology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategies</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research was designed to study the interrogation and prospective of science education at secondary level in Punjab, Pakistan. The present study was descriptive in nature and cross-sectional survey was conducted. Study was delimited to Punjab. All the science teachers of public secondary schools were the population. The sample was comprised of 495 secondary science teachers from the public schools of Lahore selected by proportionate sampling technique. The questionnaire was developed, piloted and validated before data collection. Main findings of the study indicated that secondary science teachers have challenges and prospects in science education related to classroom management, internal evaluation system, application of teaching methodologies. It is recommended to train teachers about application of modern teaching methodologies and strategies for motivating students to learn in effective environment and the science might get progress and emphasis on learning that contribute in the prosperity of the country in the field of science.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Educational Development, Karakoram International University, Gilgit Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Educational Development, Khizer Campus, Karakoram International University, Gilgit Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Education, Mohi-ud-Din Islamic University, Nerian Sharif, AJK, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/interrogations-and-prospective-of-science-education-at-secondary-level-in-punjab-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).21</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392390</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Climate Change in the Mainstream Pakistani Press: Coverage and Framing Trends</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Naeem Javed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Basit</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tanveer Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mainstream Press</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Newspaper Coverage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Framing Trends</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Climate change is a global phenomenon; its outcome affects societies around the world. Due to the systemic effects of climate change, Pakistan frequently suffers from natural disasters. The present study explored the press coverage and framing trends about three climate issues (1) Climate change and global warming (2) climate change and water scarcity (3) agriculture and food security. The study was based on content analysis. In this research, editorials of four newspapers; The Nation, The News, Nawa-i-Waqt and Jang were examined during 2011 to 2018. It was census study and all editorials were examined during the period of 8 years. The results showed that all four newspapers highly covered issues of water scarcity in Pakistan and however, gave less coverage to the issue of agriculture and food security. Thus, overall editorial coverages increase with every passing year and mainstream Pakistani press framing trends were remain very positive and suggestive.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of Management &amp; Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of Management &amp; Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of Management &amp; Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/climate-change-in-the-mainstream-pakistani-press-coverage-and-framing-trends</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).22</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392391</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Media Ownership and Regulation Influencing Production of Prime-Time Television News Bulletins in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Henna Saeed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noshina Saleem</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Production</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Prime-time</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Television</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>News</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bulletins</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>BBC.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>With the challenges of shifting technology and the rise of social media, the television news industry is struggling, yet news media in Pakistan is still relevant. Nevertheless, audiences are still unaware of the agenda-setting involved. Therefore, this article attempts to study the impact of certain factors on news performance and rundown production of primetime television news bulletins in Pakistan. Through mixed methodology, survey technique was used on a specialized sample of 150 staff from the top fifteen news channels. Through literature review, three independent factors were identified and to predict their impact, the dependent variable of bulletin performance review was formulated. Results were derived from the quantitative and qualitative method. Survey data was inserted in SPSS and test of regression applied. Results predicted Channel Owners and PEMRA significantly impact news in Pakistan, while Government guidelines have no impact. With the exclusivity of newsrooms and restricted public access, this study gives a rare Sneek peek into Pakistani newsrooms.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Multimedia Journalist, Institute of Communication Studies (ICS), University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor &amp; Director ICS Department, Institute of Communication Studies (ICS), University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/media-ownership-and-regulation-influencing-production-of-primetime-television-news-bulletins-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).23</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392392</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Stability and Social Reforms in Punjab, Pakistan by Pervaiz Elahi</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tahreem Shahnawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Khursheed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Wasim Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Agriculture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Opposition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Stability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Sector.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>As a chief minister of Punjab Chaudhary Pervaiz Elahi received national and international fame and appreciation for his liberalism, his philosophy of modernism, for his strictness to eradicate terrorism and to maintain law and order situation in the province. This is a historical study, and the date has been collected through primary and secondary sources. His revolutionary steps like educated Punjab, rescue 1122, traffic warden system, the establishment of an institute of cardiology and children complex, irrigation system, and Lahore Ring road project were his notable achievements. These steps got appreciation from the World Bank and other donor agencies. This study will highlight the political stability and social reforms in detail of Chaudhary Pervaiz Elahi as chief minister of Punjab province of Pakistan</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University Bahawalpur., Punjab, Pakistan,</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University Bahawalpur., Punjab, Pakistan,</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University Bahawalpur., Punjab, Pakistan,</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-stability-and-social-reforms-in-punjab-pakistan-by-pervaiz-elahi</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).24</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392393</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>FATA Merger to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa: Problems and Prospects for Federalism in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ilyas Ansari</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Malik Firdous</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Merger</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitution</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Federalism provides opportunity to the diverse societies with the distinct cultural and geographical heritage of such constitutional arrangements that they can strengthen their bond with the rest of the areas of a state. Federalism in Pakistan started in a unique way where its two main regions had no geographical adhesion. The west wing of Pakistan is culturally diverse. People of FATA lived their lives almost for seventy (70) years without constitutional rights. That was the reason after the American invasion in Afghanistan, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) became the hub of terrorist activities. The state of Pakistan noticed this situation and formed a FATA reforms committee. According to the recommendations FATA was merged in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). The people of the area faced issues due to the lack of administrative setups. Now, the challenge for federal and KPK government is to develop the area according to the wishes of the people.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Government BS College, Chowk Azam, Layyah, Punjab, Pakistan,</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Politics &amp; IR, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor/HOD, Department of Political Science, Government Postgraduate College, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/fata-merger-to-khyber-pakhtunkhwa-problems-and-prospects-for-federalism-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).25</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392394</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>&apos;Empowered Iran&apos; in a Complex Region (Middle East): Tehran&apos;s Foreign Policy Challenges and Dimensions in the 21st Century</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Munib Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uzma Naz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajida Begum</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Iran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Paradigm</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Foreign policy is a serious module in the lives, behaviour, of all nation-states. Recently foreign policy study has acquired new dimensions as a result of a paradigm shift in Iranian foreign policy. Iran has moved away from began camp follower of the United States to an independent political actor with its independent foreign policy. Tehran, from a loyal U.S. collaborator, turned out to be a stalwart opponent. In this backdrop, the study investigates the geo-strategic importance of Iran in the Middle East and Asia as a whole. In fact, because of Tehran&apos;s natural resources like natural gas and oil, etc., this region has always been the centre of attraction for major actors. But since Iran has changed her foreign policy roles, from western to Islamic, the region has confronted numerous security issues because of its strong Islamic history. Besides, the data for the study has incorporated from primary source taken from the official website of the foreign office of Iran, and Overall, the study examines why this alteration of the conceptual, political framework in Iran, from nationalism to Islam, has led to assume Iranian foreign policy conferring to Islamic vision.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Minhaj University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of IR, Minhaj University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Minhaj University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/empowered-iran-in-a-complex-region-middle-east-tehrans-foreign-policy-challenges-and-dimensions-in-the-21st-century-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).26</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392395</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of Council of Islamic Ideology in Islamization During Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Era</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sajid Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aftab Hussain Gillani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Wasim Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Advisory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Council of Islamic Ideology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islam</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Laws</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Parliament</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Quran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sunnah.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>According to the Constitution of Pakistan 1973, the Council of Islamic Ideology is a permanent constitutional body. Its duties are not only to advise the Parliament whether or not the laws are repugnant to Islam in the light of Quran and Sunnah and but also to recommend measures to be promulgated as legislations to promote Islamic way of life in the country. This paper discusses in detail the efforts of the Council of Islamic Ideology in Islamization of Pakistan in Bhutto&apos;s era. This study is historical research and data has been collected through primary and secondary sources. Many important laws have been enacted, and departments have been established on the recommendation of the Council of Islamic Ideology. This article will not only highlight the establishment, importance of the Council of Islamic Ideology but also its achievements during the era of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-council-of-islamic-ideology-in-islamization-during-zulfikar-ali-bhutto-era</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).27</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392396</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Marital Networks and Political Alliances in Baluchistan, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aziz Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Marriage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kahole (Extended Family)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Baluchistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Abstract This paper is designed to show the relationship between affinity and political alliances. In kinship ties, descent imposes mutual duties and obligations and is only confined to those who share a common blood. Similarly, affinity ties non-blood relatives through marriage. While much of the existing literature has been majorly focused on descent lines; however, there is a lack of sufficient study on the role of marital alliances in reproducing the dominance of &apos;tribally influential families&apos; despite emerging challenges to their authority from modern state institutions. Only Stephen M. Lyon &amp; Mughal (2016) have conducted a comprehensive study on the role of marital networks in the making of political alliances among the elites of Punjab, Pakistan. By partially using their theoretical framework, I have tried to focus on the political alliances through marriages of one of the politically powerful families (Jogezai) in Baluchistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Student, National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS), Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/marital-networks-and-political-alliances-in-baluchistan-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).28</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392397</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of Benazir Bhutto in Restoration of Democracy in Pakistan (1977-1988)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ali Shaikh</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahid Hussain Sahito</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Stephen John</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Role; Benazir Bhutto; and Restoration of Democracy in Pakistan (1977-1988)</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Benazir Bhutto has the distinction of being the first popularly elected female prime minister in any Muslim country in the world. But this distinction was preceded by her more than a decade long struggle against dictatorship of General Ziaul Haq. Aspiring to join diplomatic corps or media as a journalist, she entered in politics under the force of circumstances in 1977 after the government of her father, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, was toppled in a coup. Gradually, she occupied the center stage in the politics of Pakistan through her sheer struggle against dictatorship and for restoration of democracy in the country. In the process, she was subjected to repeated detentions, intimidation, coercion as well as physical and mental hardships to abandon her struggle. However, she was able to sustain those hardships and finally paved the way towards restoration of democracy in Pakistan in 1988.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Vice Chancellor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, Madressatul Islam University, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Teacher Education, Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Education, Sindh Madressatul Islam University, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-benazir-bhutto-in-restoration-of-democracy-in-pakistan-19771988</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).29</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392398</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Comparative Study of Socio-Ideological Practices in English Textbooks in Pakistani Context</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ahsan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tahira Asgher</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noshaba Younus</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Ideological Practices</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Oxford Textbook</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Punjab Textbook Board</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The present study is an effort to examine and compare the way socio-ideological practices are projected in the Oxford English Textbook Grade 5 and the English Textbook 5 published by the Punjab (Pakistan) Textbook Board (PTB) prescribed for the government, semi-government and private schools of the Punjab province. The content analysis was employed to find out the percentages of categories and subcategories of reading passages and exercises of the prescribed English textbooks. Socio-Ideological statements were analyzed through the representation of patriotic values and gender roles in the context of local and foreign EFL textbooks. The research findings and results make it visible from the current instructional materials or prescribed English textbooks that the Oxford English textbook is superficial and shallow with respect to its treatment of the target (Pakistani) culture. The textbook is therefore inadequate to the task of teaching and transmitting socio-ideological practices in the deeper sense. Contrary to it, the PTB English textbook offers a limited ground for learning English at length.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Ghazi University Dera Ghazi Khan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English Linguistics, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of English, Riphah International University Faisalabad Campus, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/comparative-study-of-socioideological-practices-in-english-textbooks-in-pakistani-context</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).30</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392399</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Causes and Impact of Law Avoidance and Disobedience in the Light of Mars Model with Special Reference to Laws for Special Need Persons</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Anjum Bano Kazimi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Ali Kerio</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ajab Ali Lashari</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Law Avoidance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Disobedience</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mars Model</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Special Need Persons</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rehabilitation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>To determine reasons and the influence of escaping and noncompliance of laws; data were collected through a mix method approach. Questionnaires and focus group discussion from special needs persons (physically challenged, visually impaired), their parents in case of hearing-impaired and intellectually challenged persons, professional law practitioners and employers of the business organization were taken. The result indicates that most special persons and their parents are unaware of the opportunities and laws related to their special needs. But on the part of employers&apos; willful neglect and avoidance of laws is present because of loopholes available for not complying with these laws. Another reason is non-availability of any motivation for obeying laws, whether obedience of individuals or groups. It was also indicated that employers are not very clear about their roles related to the employment of special need persons.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Education, IQRA University Gulshan Campus Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Teachers Education, Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Education, Sindh Madressatul Islam university, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/causes-and-impact-of-law-avoidance-and-disobedience-in-the-light-of-mars-model-with-special-reference-to-laws-for-special-need-persons</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).31</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392400</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Charismatic Role of a Religious Minority in the United States</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Muhammad Ali Zaidi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Shiism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hussain</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Karbala</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nexus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diaspora</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Oppression</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Doctrine</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Minority</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Shiia Centers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Moharram</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ahle bait</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Catalyst</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Prophet</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article is about the nexus of Shi&apos;ia doctrine with academia which will justify its positive role for US society. We see that Shi&apos;ia Diaspora has sought the attention of international scholars towards the part of Shi&apos;ism in the twentieth century as previously not much work has been done on this topic. Still, in upcoming years many renowned scholars have put in their effort and interest in Shi&apos;ism, many are from the US, and numerous universities have started working on Shi&apos;ism and what role it impacts on a country&apos;s society, politics and economy. Harvard University has also established Weather head centre for international affairs which is engaged in a project named &quot;Project on Shi&apos;ism and Global Affairs&quot;. The importance of this area can be analyzed by this initiative of Harvard University which is one of the world&apos;s top-ranking Institute of the contemporary era.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Area Study Center, Quaid-I-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/charismatic-role-of-a-religious-minority-in-the-united-states</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).32</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392401</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Economy of Interculture Differences: An EU Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Noor Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ameer Abdullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Interculture Difference</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Outcomes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>European Perspective</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New Approach</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Change of Mind Set</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Economic development is always linked with systematic changes in human behavior, its basic value and cultural change are paths dependent on it. The study illustrates the culture value that converges the EU into a single European value landscape. Current economic growth theories do not take into account cultural variables at national levels and economic life happens in asocial context and it affects economic development. This paper gives an overview of earlier relevant studies on cultural and economic growth and established linkage between cultural norms and its economic outcome from the EU perspective. The paper concludes that culture is ought to play a central role in devising the plan for the future of Europe. The paper suggests some recommendations that a new approach may be allowed with a change of mindset which should not practice the notion that what is not allowed is forbidden to what is not forbidden is allowed.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Politics &amp; IR, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor,Department of International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relation, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/Political-Economy-of-Interculture-Differences-An-EU-Perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).33</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392402</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Constitutional Rights of Religious Minorities in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Anita Wilson</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Samina Saeed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aziz Ur Rahman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Freedom of Religion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitution of the Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious Minorities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islam</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Fundamental Rights.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The constitution of Pakistan defines our country as an &quot;Islamic State&quot;. Pakistan is predominantly a State established for Muslims but many non-Muslims have been living here since its establishment. The constitution of Pakistan stands for equality and justice for all people regardless of caste, gender, religion, region and language. Qualitative methodology has been used. The available data will be taken from the various governmental institutions. In this research the researchers draw an Islamic Republic of Pakistan Constitutional scenario. It will not only shed light on the exact image of Pakistan&apos;s religious minorities, but it will also explain their freedom to follow their religion&apos;s teachings and pursue their customs and traditions.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D Scholar, Department of Political Science, University of Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations and Political Science, Qurtuba University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/constitutional-rights-of-religious-minorities-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).34</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392403</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Corporate Social Responsibility: An Illusion or Reality</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zarfishan Qaiser</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Khushbakht Qaiser</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Regulations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Corporate Social Responsibility</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multi-National Companies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Convergence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Business enterprises and their policies of conducting business have always been considered as debatable, and another aspect is following social and environmental regulations of jurisdictions in which companies conduct their business-either domestic enterprises or international ones. In different scenarios, companies self-regulate themselves and, in this prospect, environmental conduct cannot be adhered to properly. On the other hand, it has been observed that MNC&apos;s increasingly self-regulate their environmental conduct. Experience shows that when the MNC&apos;s or the polluting companies faced with strong environmental regulations, they move their base of operations to another country with lower (thus cheaper) standards and it affects that country massively. The same situation when it appears with a domestic company, it tries to disguise its fallacy through lack of regulations and policy within its own jurisdiction. What can be done to stop this? Indeed, there are various examples historically such as Lubbe v Cape PLC etc., and similarly, more stringent waste regulations in Europe and other industrialized nations can also help. What about stakeholders and internal management, and how do the repercussions of not adapting to the principles of corporate social responsibility?</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor. University Law College, (New Campus) University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Kinnaird College for Women Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/corporate-social-responsibility-an-illusion-or-reality</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).35</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392404</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Analysis of Religious, Psychological and Socio-Political Factors Promoting Terrorism</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ramzan Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shumaila Rafiq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shahzada Afzal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extremism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Psychology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Economic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Violent Behavior.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This Terrorism is an intentional act of violence, rational enough to generate fear amongst the target audience or society focusing upon the determination of bringing desired change in that particular society. It has been observed that terrorist organizations may prevail in the repressive regimes that they perceive as sympathetic with their ideology. However, they target the societies for terrorist operations where the basic rights of individual and legal protections exist while avoiding repressive governments when conducting operations. As terrorism is not an irrational act, targets chosen for operation are based on the assumption that after the attack, required results are achieved by the assault. The motives behind the act may be psychological, Religious or political, depending upon the nature of the activity. In the current study, all these factors are discussed in detail that may provoke an individual to become a terrorist.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/an-analysis-of-religious-psychological-and-sociopolitical-factors-promoting-terrorism</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).36</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392405</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s Low Yield Nuclear Weapons and Indian Option of Limited War</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Farooq Ahmed Leghari</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Irfan Hasnain Qaisrani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shaukat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Nuclear Weapons</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Limited War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold Start Doctrine</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since the publication of the Cold Start Doctrine by India in 2004, India had been preparing for launching a limited war against Pakistan. In the face of an Indian threat of limited war, Pakistan had no other option but to go for the manufacture of low yield nuclear weapons. With the introduction of the low yield nuclear weapons by Pakistan with an official announcement in 2015, Pakistan had been able to contain Indians from pursuing the path of limited war against it. This paper has looked into the role Pakistan&apos;s low yield nuclear weapons in dealing with the threat of limited conventional war under the Indian Cold Start Doctrine. Firstly, it has explored three Indo-Pak crises with limited war dimensions, which occurred subsequently in 2008, 2016 and 2019 and brought a fear of limited war on Pakistan&apos;s side. Secondly, it has explained the changing military doctrines of India and Pakistan and further highlighted the gap which led to the emergence of India&apos;s Cold Start Doctrine and Pakistan&apos;s low yield nuclear weapons. Third, it has looked at the role of Pakistan&apos;s low yield nuclear weapons in creating a roadblock in the Indian Cold Start Doctrine. Finally, it has given a discussion and summary.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistans-low-yield-nuclear-weapons-and-indian-option-of-limited-war</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).37</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392406</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Psychological Effects of COVID-19 on University Students</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Misbah Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fasiha Altaf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mehwish Gull</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Coronavirus (COVID-19)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Psychological Effects</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>University Students</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The worldwide spread of COVID-19 is inducing devastating effects on the physical and psychological health of the masses. This study was designed to identify the psychological effects of COVID-19 on university students in Lahore, Pakistan. A sample consisted of 125 students was selected conveniently form all public and private sector universities of district Lahore. A questionnaire comprising 34 statements related to psychological effects (including sleeping routine, eating habits, fear and anxiety, social interaction and mental wellbeing etc.) of COVID-19 on university students was used. The data collected through &quot;google form&quot; was analyzed through SPSS version 22. The results indicated that the COVID- 19 pandemic highly affects the social interaction of the students and inflict stress and anxiety among them. On the basis of the findings, it is recommended to keep university students engaged with healthy interactive activities and arrange some counselling sessions to minimize psychological effects to lead them to normal life.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Education and Research, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD. Scholar, Institute of Education and Research, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD. Scholar, Institute of Education and Research, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-psychological-effects-of-covid19-on-university-students</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).38</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392407</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Politics as Morality: A Study of Keats&apos; Poetry</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayaz Ahmad Aryan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rafiq Nawab</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Liaqat Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Morality</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Keats</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Poetry</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The purpose of the present research is to explore the works of Keats from the uncommon and untraditional perspective, the perspective of Keats as a revolutionary poet fighting for the cause of politics and morality. For this purpose, his selected poems were taken for analysis. His works reveal not only the aspects of Romanticism but also of revolution. Most of his poems plead for political and social reforms in a constructive irony of the upheavals through intentionality. Swept up with the current of revolution and sanguinity, on one hand, he deplores the contemporary restlessness and stagnation, but, on the other hand, he is optimistic about the future, where change and reconciliation were for sure. In this way, the works of the poet present the present and the past in a relationship, where the past is allured, the present is struggled for politics and the future is hoped for imaginatively.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/politics-as-morality-a-study-of-keats-poetry</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).39</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392408</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Negotiating Peace: A Discourse-based Analysis of Hina Rabbani Khar&apos;s Political Speeches</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shazia Bukhari</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shahid Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Hammad Hussain Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Discourse Historical Approach</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper seeks to examine and analyze the political discourse of Hina Rabbani Khar as the foreign minister of Pakistan. The paper will try to figure out her ideological conception by closely studying the language. The focus will be laid on exploring things such as gender, power, language, and political ideology.Further, this paper is an effort to understand her political discourse on media to maintain peaceful relations with India. Data collection is based on the following research questions. The Discourse Historical Approach,a famous model for discourse analysis by Ruth Wodak, is applied to all the used references in the paper. The study concludes that her choice of words is constructive and positive. Her discourse is directed to create a balanced relationship between power and agency. Her words depict a peaceful, negotiable, and positive approach to foreign policy. The text of her speeches shows the effort of her government (PPP) to represent a good foreign policy</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of English Linguistics, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English Linguistics, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of English Linguistics, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/negotiating-peace-a-discoursebased-analysis-of-hina-rabbani-khars-political-speeches</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).40</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392409</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Speech Act Analysis of the First Speech of Imran Khan as Prime Minister</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tanveer Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Deeba Shahwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Basit</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Locutionary Act</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Illocutionary Act</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Perlocutionary Act</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Speech Act Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Direct Speech Acts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indirect Speech Acts</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper aims to highlight the speech acts which have been working behind the first speech that has delivered by Imran Khan as Prime Minister of Pakistan at 26, July 2018. It is a political discourse that attracts the researcher&apos;s interest. The objective of this paper is to answer what type of speech acts have been used by Imran Khan, the overlapping of what speech acts occur in Imran Khan&apos;s speech and what direct and indirect speech acts have been used by Imran Khan. The findings revealed that his speech includes representative acts (27.083%), expressive acts (1.041%), declarative acts (7.291%), directive acts (25%), commissive acts (39.583%) out of the total 100% of data. This paper-based on both qualitative and quantitative analysis of discourse. The framework employed in this study is the Speech Act theory that has introduced by J.L Austin in 1962 and further developed by J.R Searle (1969).</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of Management and Technology Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, The Women University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of Management and Technology Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/a-speech-act-analysis-of-the-first-speech-of-imran-khan-as-prime-minister-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392410</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Appeals in Political Rhetoric about Covid19: Political Discourse Analysis of Speeches by Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tahir Mahmood</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ahsan Bhatti</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Covid19</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Corona Virus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Communication</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Imran Khan Speeches</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discourse 	 	      Analysis. Aristotle</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study is basically an analysis using political discourse, with an angle to investigate the appeals in political rhetoric. This study uses Aristotle&apos;s model for persuasion and to find out the ethos, logos and pathos elements in the speeches of Pakistani prime minister Imran Khan. This study is presenting the analysis of Imran Khan&apos;s first three speeches on the panic situation of the spread of corona-virus. The study reveals that there is a sizeable use of logos and pathos in the speeches on Covid19. Using pathos in the speeches, there is the use of different appeals, i.e. fear, nationhood, hope and religion. There is significant use of fear and religious appeal in the category of pathos, while the use of logical appeal was also in ample size.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor (Chairman), Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan. (Corresponding Author)</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/appeals-in-political-rhetoric-about-covid19-political-discourse-analysis-of-speeches-by-pakistani-prime-minister-imran-khan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392411</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Syrian Skirmish: Security Hitch and Complexity in the Middle East</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nasreen Akhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Manzoor Khan Afridi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Syria</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Actors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extra Regional Actors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hitch</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Complexity.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Syrian skirmish, vis-a-vis Middle East region and complexities, has been analysed at three main levels -domestic, regional and extra-regional. The internal vulnerabilities of the Syrian state and society at a domestic level is dominant in paving the way for the origin of the conflict and providing the vacuum to the regional and extra-regional actors to further deteriorate the condition of Syria. The Syrian conflict is the central security issues within the Regional Security Complex of the Middle East. Although extra-regional relations influence regional security, the Syrian conflict poses more security threat to the regional actors. This paper will explain these questions; What role is being played by the extra-regional [global] powers in the Syrian conflict, and how the Syrian crises are increasing challenges to the security of the Middle East region?</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Politics &amp; IR, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor/HOD, Department of Politics &amp; IR, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/syrian-skirmish-security-hitch-and-complexity-in-the-middle-east</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392412</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Settlement of the Thal Desert (1949-1969)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Wasim Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mian Saeed Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Adjustment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Colonization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Refugees</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Settlement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>TDA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Thal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Thal Canal Colony.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The British introduced canal colonies system in Punjab province and Thal Canal Colony is one of them. The work on Thal Canal Colony had started in 1939 and could not be completed till the partition of the Subcontinent. Newly established state of Pakistan planned to complete the Thal Canal Colony Project on the emergency basis not only to solve the refugee problem but also to settle the people whose lands were destroyed by river action or due to waterlogging and saline. The main objective of this research work is to study the whole settlement process of the Thal in detail. The historical research approach has been applied, and data has been collected through primary and secondary sources. The Government of Pakistan not only completed the settlement process successfully but also provided all modern facilities of life to the new settlers.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/settlement-of-the-thal-desert-19491969</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392413</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Media Landscapes with Religious and Ethnic Conflicts in Pakistan: The Case of Security Concerns for Journalists in Balochistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Babrak Niaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Malik Adnan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadaf Irtaza</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflicts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Concerns</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Journalists</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balochistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper attempts to have insight into the media landscape of Balochistan and issues too. Balochistan is considered to be a conflict zone due to many religious and ethnic issues. The safety of journalists and media workers are a prime concern for journalistic bodies and government. The violence&apos;s against journalists leads them to self-censorship, and it has limited the topics and geographical access covered by media. National media is working as bureau offices only; Bureau Chiefs of the media outlet are working as reporters. Balochistan and issues related to Balochistan are wipeouts from national media, and it has brought a sense of deprivation among people of Balochistan. Less coverage to Balochistan is one of the threatening elements for journalists, and different pressure groups have threatened journalists and few even killed.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/media-landscapes-with-religious-and-ethnic-conflicts-in-pakistan-the-case-of-security-concerns-for-journalists-in-balochistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392414</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Strategic Uncertainty in Indias Nuclear Doctrine: Collusive Threat, Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Umer Hayat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Alina Zaid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farrukh Shahzad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>India-Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nuclear-Armed States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Partnerships</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Environment</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Technological advancement in the realm of nuclear weapons has emerged as one of the most salient security issues in the context of two South Asian states, India and Pakistan. Newly emerging India-Pakistan animosities, historical and ongoing power progression of New Delhi distresses Pakistan&apos;s security framework. India&apos;s endurance of military modernization and stronghold of political leadership under Modi in order to seek power status is shaping distrust for Pakistan as both states assume each other as rival neighbours who raise serious concerns. The nuclear arms race and uncertainties in India&apos;s nuclear doctrine has triggered Pakistan&apos;s assessment of their security paradigm that has added fire to the already existing security dilemma. Thus, demands and acquires the dire need to discuss loopholes which the article explores about India&apos;s intentions regarding Pakistan as well as to certain level with China, Nuclearization implications for Pakistan and how Pakistan should overcome it for its deterrence.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Senior Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/strategic-uncertainty-in-indias-nuclear-doctrine-collusive-threat-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392415</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Social Media as a Mediator in Political Communication: A Literature Review to Explore its Effects on Users</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shazia Ismail Toor</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Users</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Effects</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Communication</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The modes of communication have been evolving, and in the 21st century, we live in a digital world. The world is connected via the internet, and social media has become an integral part of individual life. This paper explores the effects of social media mediation on its users in the context of political communication. The effects range from an individual&apos;s political participation to initiating a political movement. The effects are studied in the light of existing literature. Social media has transformed political discussion and debate. It has brought the elite public sphere to the screens of an average citizen. The voicing of dissident opinions is possible under the freedom of expression provided by social media. Individual and collective political views are influenced by social media. It is an exploratory study that aims to unveil various aspects of social media mediation so that they can be further researched upon.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/social-media-as-a-mediator-in-political-communication-a-literature-review-to-explore-its-effects-on-users</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392416</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>English Language in Pakistan: A Policy Analysis of Past and Present of Linguistic Contact with Urdu and Pashto</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayaz Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Liaqat Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Irfan Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>English Language</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Urdu</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pashto</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Contact Linguistics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>GIDS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Language Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Language Planning</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The paper revisits the diachronic evolution of the belief, practices, and attitudes of Urdu and Pashto speakers towards English and ascertains the drivers and effects of such changes. The changes are explored at two levels, micro and macro. The macro-level perspective concerns the &apos;use&apos; interface while the microlevel concerns the &apos;code&apos;. The study hinges on the theory of contact linguistics&apos; approaches such as language shift, hybridization and domain conquest. In the wake of this study, the scholars revisit the value of &apos;Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scales&apos; (GIDS) in the assessment of language prospects of survival. The study finds that Pashto and Urdu both underwent substantial changes as a result of contact with the English language. The study also proposes revisiting definitions of some popular terms used in the evaluation of language policy and planning as the proposal to use more discrete terms that can be easily understood and applied by the practitioners of the fields, such as the distinction of language attitude and belief</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/english-language-in-pakistan-a-policy-analysis-of-past-and-present-of-linguistic-contact-with-urdu-and-pashto</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392417</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Changing Dynamics of Governance after Pandemic Situation in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fehmida Aslam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bisharat Ali Lanjwani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anwar ul Mustafa Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Governments</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>E-Services</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>COVID-19</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>E-Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The existing study aims to highlight the challenges and opportunities of e-government globally, especially in the third world nations, during this covid-19 situation. The miracle of globalization empowered the next generation with the adaptation of the scientific age to interconnect the whole world as a global village via online means. The current study presents the debate concerning the opportunities and challenges of e-government in developing countries like Pakistan and the situation of e-governance during and after covids-19. The major predicament relating to third world countries are associated with social, political and economic issues. Furthermore, this study also provides appropriate strategies to prevail over the obstacles, in order to meet these challenges which are to be faced any how to adopt eproject and make it successful. Thus it can be expected, that prevailing review will assist to understand the key difficulties related to technological adoption which belong to political, social, economic, infrastructural, and users&apos; perspectives and legal issues in Pakistan. In this study, the challenges of e-governance and covid-19 have been focused with the technological usages and their positive implementation and development of e-projects.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/changing-dynamics-of-governance-after-pandemic-situation-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392418</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China as an Alternative Power in Middle East: Its Outcomes for the Region&apos;s Future</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shabnam Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Faizan Asghar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iqra Javed</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>The Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Stability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Policies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research considers China&apos;s Middle East policies and commitments, including international alliances, regional disputes, and trade ties. It compiles information on arms transfers to the Middle East, as well as Chinese imports and Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in the region. Moreover, the study applies the power transition theory to justify the choice of Middle Eastern states that how external circumstances forced them to look beyond the American umbrella to protect the sovereignty and economic interest. Besides, the primary data has mostly been incorporated from the official files, speeches and statements of the Chinese president and Middle East diplomats and policymakers. Overall, this paper examines China&apos;s overall military, economic, and foreign footprint, shedding light on the state&apos;s current and potential involvement in the Middle East.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Peace &amp; Counter Terrorism Studies, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer &amp; Research Associate, School of Integrated Social Sciences, University of Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/china-as-an-alternative-power-in-middle-east-its-outcomes-for-the-regions-future</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392419</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Dynamics and Drivers of the Creation of New Federating Units: A Global Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Azhar Mahmood Abbasi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abid Hussain Abbasi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Salma Rahim</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sub-Nationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics of Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Re-Organization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Re-Demarcation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>EthnoNationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Group</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New Provinces</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Federating Units</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Cultural diversity has been the moving spirit behind identity politics which characterizes the multi-ethnic states. The socio-economic and political marginalization engenders sub-nationalism underpinned by the ethnolinguistic plurality of that society. Many countries, notably India, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, Switzerland, the Philippines and South Africa, have had to face subnationalist movements. To eliminate the sense of alienation and deprivation, a number of the countries took a corrective measure based on the reconfiguration of federating units along ethnic lines. Ethnic multiplicity has to be managed by the promotion of unity through diversity. This academic endeavour seeks to analyze the dynamics and drivers of the creation of new federating units by different countries across the globe.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-dynamics-and-drivers-of-the-creation-of-new-federating-units-a-global-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392420</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Role of Good Governance in the Legal and Administrative Affairs of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amjad Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>S. M. Areeb Abdul Khafid Shah Bukhari</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aas Muhammad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Administrative Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Good Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Administration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public Administration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Principles of Administration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>State Affairs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Welfare State</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The law regulates administrative action, and the way it leads to success is called good Governance. Thus, good Governance may be said as the systematic execution of the laws of the land. The main object of the present research was to find out the essentials of Good Governance, which ensure the formation of a civilized, lawful, and progressive society in which rule of law is maintained in letter and spirit within the constitutional framework. The study also explains the future of good Governance for excellence through public administration while highlighting the deteriorated administrative conditions in Pakistan with historical perspective, its causes, and corresponding reforms. As Governance is related to the society and public thus, it must be open and known to all the public.Equality before the law and special privilege to no one is one of the principles which should be maintained at all levels of government. There search explains that good Governance aims to uphold the principles of confidence, reliability, validity, participation, fairness, accountability,transparency, efficiency, etc., while dealing with affairs of the state</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>(LLM), Advocate Supreme Court of Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>(LLM), Department of Law, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-role-of-good-governance-in-the-legal-and-administrative-affairs-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392421</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan Russia Relation and its Effect on Regional Politics (1991-2008)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tohid Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aftab Hussain Gillani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Wasim Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Russia Relation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Economic</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Numerous ups and down has been observed in the relations between Pakistan and Russia. Their history is full of having virtuous associations as well as bitter memories among themselves. Russia is economically developed and a strong resource country, while Pakistan is still struggling hard to cover the success staircase. However, upright associations between Russia and Pakistan can open a window of mutual benefits for Pakistan as well as for Russia. Russia is self-sufficient in energy resources such as oil and gas, while Pakistan is an energy deficit country. Therefore, after smoothing the internal relations between Pakistan and Russia, a milestone can be covered exporting the Russian gas and oil to Pakistan. Pakistan is sanctified with the globally excellent military power, and Russia can learn a lot to eliminate terrorism and other relating dangers. Therefore, good sort of associations between Russia and Pakistan can revolutionize the regional politics of both countries.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor (Chairman), Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia University Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistan-russia-relation-and-its-effect-on-regional-politics-19912008</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392422</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Separation of Powers and System of Checks and Balances: A Debate on the Functionalist and Formalist Theories in the Context of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bakht Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zaheer Iqbal Cheema</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Jawwad Riaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Formalist and Functionalist Theories</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jurisdiction</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Limitations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Restraints</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Separation of 	   	     Powers.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Modern-day democracies are constructed on the constitutional mechanism of separation of powers introduced in the U.S. Constitution where Pakistan stands with no exception. With qualitative research methodology, this paper aims to investigate the following issues: origin and evolution of the concept of separation of powers with reference to formalist and functionalist theories, application of tripartite government in the context of Pakistan, why the application of this concept could not receive its due appreciation in Pakistan, the role of the military as an additional unavoidable stakeholder in the evolution of trichotomy of powers in the democratic transition and judicial response to circumscribe unbridled military regimes in Pakistan. This article also explicates how the state organs can help identify their jurisdictional bounds to avoid the potential threat of confrontation and suggests how in the transition of institutional demarcations self-realisation of constraints can play a considerable role to comprehend the spirit of constitutionalism.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer:  Institute of Languages and Linguistics, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, University Law College, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, University Law College, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/separation-of-powers-and-system-of-checks-and-balances-a-debate-on-the-functionalist-and-formalist-theories-in-the-context-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392423</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>United States Foreign Policy Towards South Asia; Analyzing Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fazal Noman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Interests</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The US foreign policy for South Asia has generally remained zero-sum for India and Pakistan. While Pakistan joined US camp immediately after independence and during the period of cold war remained part of the US alliance system and frontline state in the defeat of communism and now War on Terrorism. On the contrary, the US adopted a different approach towards India in terms of strategic partnership and different nuclear-related cooperation. US National Security Strategy of January 2018 has reprioritized national security preferences where India has been granted great status as a potential competitor of China and Pakistan has been marginalized to terrorist-related issues. The US foreign policy in its current form is perceived to be a destabilizing factor as it gives leverage to India at the cost of Pakistan. This article unveils the cardinal aspects of US foreign policy towards South Asia and its potential implications of Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ministry of Interior, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ministry of Defence, Government of Pakistan, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/united-states-foreign-policy-towards-south-asia-analyzing-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392424</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Usage of Social Media by Leading Political Parties in General Election 2018 of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ashraf Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kishwer Perveen</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saima Waheed</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Facebook</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tweeter</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>YouTube</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Instagram</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Networking Sites.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Social Networking sites are highly used for political proposes. In this study, the research tried to search the usage of social media by political parties during elections campaigns 2018 in Pakistan. The researcher applied the agenda-setting theory to link the social media posts of these political parties&apos; pages and content analysis research technique for analyzing the variables. It was concluded from the that these social media are highly used for mobilizing voters where the users of these mediums not only see these posts but also like, comment and share for responding about what is uploaded on these social media pages by the representatives of political parties. It is concluded that from three trending political parties, PTI emerged as the most dominant party by using these social media tools, by uploading a maximum number of posts, by mobilizing voters to vote for a specific political party.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Incharge / Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, GC University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Mass Communication, GC University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/usage-of-social-media-by-leading-political-parties-in-general-election-2018-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392425</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring Identities and Ideologies in Political Parties&apos; Election Manifestos: A Corpus Assisted Critical Discourse Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Arshad Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Athar Rashid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ameer Sultan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Election Manifestos</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Corpus-Based</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The goal of this study is to use corpus-based methods for the critical discourse analysis of election manifestos. Five election manifestos from five political parties of Pakistan namely PPP, PMLN, PTI, JUI, and JI were used in the corpus compilation. These five Pakistani political parties are selected based on the popularity of these political parties in Pakistan. The election manifestos of the political parties were combined into a complete text file. The corpus was analyzed using ANTCONC 3.5.8 software. Van Dijk&apos;s Socio-Cognitive Model (1998) was used as a theoretical framework for this study. The results of the study indicate that the political parties use language to exert cognitive control on the public. The use of nouns, pronouns, and modal verbs allows these political parties to transform peoples&apos; ideologies, create identities, and gain control over them.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Governance &amp; Public Policy, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/exploring-identities-and-ideologies-in-political-parties-election-manifestos-a-corpus-assisted-critical-discourse-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392426</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>News Media Use and Political Attitudes of the University Students of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Irem Sultana</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ifra Iftikhar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farrukh Shahbaz Warraich</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Media Use</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Online Media Attention</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Traditional Media Attention</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democratic Attitudes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Perception</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>University Students</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study examines the relationship between university students&apos; news media use and the perception of politics and their attitude towards political involvement. Data was gathered from an online survey from 300 students enrolled in various universities in Lahore. The survey of the university students revealed that students tend to receive their political news and information passively from Facebook and Television. They are not likely to actively engage in seeking out political information by reading newspapers, magazines or websites. Facebook seems to be the most favored source of information among students. All the students irrespective of their background and academic disciplines tend to consume media more or less in the same way. It is concluded that the involvement of young students in politics is tied to their perception which is cultivated by the media.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Lahore Garrison University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Superior University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/news-media-use-and-political-attitudes-of-the-university-students-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392427</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>American Conduct towards North Korea: Realist Analysis of Clinton and Bush Administration</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Umer Hayat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asefa Khilji</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farrukh Shehzad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>North Korea</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Northeast Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Realism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Denuclearize</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Negotiation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>North Korea tends to be a state of the 21st century that redefines realism in the contemporary era while concentrating on protecting its sovereignty by making self-help the primary concern. US-North Korea bilateral relations face fluctuations. North Korean intentions have progressed from the Realism thought, now willing to attain security maximization along with maximizing its power based on the notions of defensive and offensive realism. The supremacy of North Korea does not quench as the Nuclear might in Northeast Asia; it aims to attack mainland USA with its developed technology. The study concentrates on the Clinton and Bush administration as a special reference. Recognizing the North Korean nuclear program would be intolerable for the International Community as it goes against all norms set by the powerful states for the world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Senior Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/american-conduct-towards-north-korea-realist-analysis-of-clinton-and-bush-administration</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392428</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Social Media and Strategic Communication: Uses and Preferences of the Politicians of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Savera Shami</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shazia Ismail Toor</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Politicians</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Facebook</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Twitter</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Communication</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Social media has got a major share in our personal as well as professional communication because of its easy accessibility and highly interactive nature. Facebook and Twitter can be used as important tool to mobilize groups to take some action (Shirky, 2008, p. 184). It has been observed that political leaders in Pakistan use social media to connect with the audience, but no research has been conducted in this regard so far. Therefore, the main objective of this study is to find which platform does the political actors of Pakistan prefer to disseminate information and in which medium they believe more. Furthermore, this study also looks into the popularity graph of the politicians, whether the use of social media has increased their popularity or not. To fulfil the objectives of the study, the survey was conducted among the members of national and provincial assemblies (2013-2018). With the help of findings, it was concluded that the majority of the politicians in Pakistan prefer Facebook over Twitter when they want to share any information, which is unlike the scenario around the globe.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/arab-social-media-and-strategic-communication-uses-and-preferences-of-the-politicians-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392429</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Comparative Analysis of the Portrayal of PPPP, PML (N) and PTI in Pakistani Print Media during Democratic Tenure of PPPP</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shazia Ismail Toor</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Newspaper</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agenda</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PPPP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PML-N</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PTI</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Media influence on politics has always been a debatable subject due to its immense potential. Media is regarded as the fourth estate of the nation, and the role of traditional media in the political arena is indispensable. The agenda-setting by newspapers plays a pivotal part in forming the image of a political party. This study is an exertion to examine the leading English and Urdu newspapers (Dawn, The News, Jang, Nawa-i-Waqt) of Pakistan to find out the portrayal given to PPPP, PML-N and PTI during PPPP&apos;s five-year (2008- 2013) regime. By employing the content analysis method, findings indicate that PML-N was given the maximum editorial and news coverage regarding the important national issues, whereas PPPP got the second most frequent coverage. PPPP was presented in an unfavourable manner, and PLM-N was given the least negative reportage. Results of the study revealed that English and Urdu newspapers adopted a supportive stance towards PML (N).</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/comparative-analysis-of-the-portrayal-of-pppp-pml-n-and-pti-in-pakistani-print-media-during-democratic-tenure-of-pppp</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392430</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Semantic Analysis of the Political Slogans of Pakistan Tehreek-Insaf and Pakistan Muslim League-Noon</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aiman Gul Akram</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Liaqat Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Persuasive Language</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Slogans</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Semantics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Leech theory of meaning</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The use of language persuasively and diplomatically in the form of catchy and attractive political slogans plays a significant role in the politics of democratic states. This study analyzes the political slogans chanted by Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf (PTI) and Pakistan Muslim League-Noon (PML-N) during the 2018 election campaign with the purpose to analyze Pakistan&apos;s political slogans from a semantic perspective to highlight the semantic properties and analyze the use of political slogans for presenting positive-self and a negative image of others. Data in the form of slogans were collected by random sampling technique. The data was analyzed semantically by following Leech&apos;s (1981) theory of meaning. It was revealed that political slogans are composed persuasively and diplomatically to communicate connotative, reflected, social, affective and collocative meanings. It was also found that Political slogans in Pakistan are chanted for portraying a positive image of themselves and a negative image of others.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/a-semantic-analysis-of-the-political-slogans-of-pakistan-tehreekinsaf-and-pakistan-muslim-leaguenoon</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392431</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Concept of Pluralism in the Light of Athar-e-Sahabah (R.A)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Moazzam Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aziza Madnia Saeedi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pluralism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Venerable Companions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kindness</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pluralism allows the other people to live and practice their beliefs, religions in a same society. This paper explains the behavior of venerable companions of Holy Prophet (PBUH) regarding others who have religion other than Islam. Companions of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) always treated the followers of the other religions with affection, kindness and compassion. The conduct of Venerable Companions will remain as a guiding star for the human beings.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Islamic Studies, Government Degree College of Special Education Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Islamic Studies, Government Degree College of Special Education Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Islamic Studies, Government Degree College of Special Education Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-concept-of-pluralism-in-the-light-of-atharesahabah-ra</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392432</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Growth of Religious Extremism in Pakistan: Implications for State and Society (1980-2020)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saiqa Hanif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sultan Mubariz Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shafqat Rasool</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Extremism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Violence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Minorities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper investigates the major trends and developments that are considered responsible for the rise of religious militancy in Pakistan. It also analyzes the impacts of this phenomenon. The research focuses on investigating the causes of its expansion and intensity in the recent past and how it has affected the society and state because religious extremism and religiously motivated violence has emerged as a serious challenge for the security and stability of Pakistan. The study is descriptive, and the mode of inquiry is qualitative though supplemented by quantitative data in the form of tables and graphs. Major findings suggest that wave after wave of violent religious extremism has grave domestic implications. The domestic implications range from social problems to economic and political issues. It is observed that growth in religious extremism and subsequent militancy at the domestic level cannot be de-hyphenated from the foreign relations of Pakistan, especially with its immediate neighbors like India, Afghanistan and Iran, as well as major powers like China and the U.S.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Lecturer, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/growth-of-religious-extremism-in-pakistan-implications-for-state-and-society-19802020</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392433</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China&apos;s Growing Influence in Afghanistan and its Impacts on Pakistan in the Post-2014 Era</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sabira Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saqib Ullah Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Atta Ullah Jan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghan Peace</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-strategic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extremism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper examines China&apos;s growing influence in Afghanistan (post-2014) in the context of the Chinese government&apos;s overall approach to Afghan peace and stability. China growing influence in Afghanistan can be seen in three dynamics which are security, economic, and geostrategic, and its impacts on Pakistan have also been explored. This study is based on a mixed research approach means Qualitative cum Quantitative. In the economic field, it has been observed that the Chinese invested in Afghanistan more in the post-2014 as compared to pre-2014. In the security field, the China diplomatic efforts can be seen in the form of treaties and agreements with Afghanistan under Ashraf Ghani&apos;s Afghan Unity Government AUG. These efforts are to eradicate terrorism and extremism from Afghanistan as China herself is facing the same issue in its western region. The China vision in the Geostrategic field and its strategy and policy towards Afghanistan are analyzed. These three-tier policies of China in Afghanistan have certain impacts on Pakistan, and these impacts are explored under BRI particular part, which is CPEC Post 2014.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, NUML, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/chinas-growing-influence-in-afghanistan-and-its-impacts-on-pakistan-in-the-post2014-era</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392434</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Public Perception regarding Weak Organizational Structure of Political Parties in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Naushad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Public Perception</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Organizational Structure</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The weak political organization of nearly all political parties is another contributing factor in political instability. No democratic culture prevails inside all political parties; all political parties, with the exception of very few, has been ruling by one family, and mostly are dominated by one family or person; their party of the election has been mostly blamed as selection and not an election. The scope of all parties has been limited to certain areas, religion and nationalities. .As a result of weak organizations of political parties and dominant rule of the military do not allow any government to form a government alone; all political parties rely on other political parties to form government in centre as well as province.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/public-perception-regarding-weak-organizational-structure-of-political-parties-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392435</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Expansion of Shanghai Cooperation Organization: How can it Improve India-Pakistan Relations?</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zab-Un-Nisa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Gul-e-Zahra</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Waqas Ali Bokhari</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pak Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kashmir Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Organization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>SCO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Integration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflict Management</dc:subject>
<dc:description>South Asia is one and only of the tiniest unified region in the world, with a consistent competition among India and Pakistan acting as a tentative wedge to regional cooperation through the SAARC. Nevertheless, India and Pakistan join the multilateral agreement; then both became permanent members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2017. Although, it is very initial to envisage that the rival relations of both countries influenced by the forum. This paper tries to explain alternative and possible openings for partnership in several ranges, especially in counterterrorism and security, which may be turning a positive influence on Indo-Pak relations. Further, the negative impression of India &amp; Pakistan contentions on the SCO forum is very low, unlike SAARC. This research also seeks to explore the implications of SCO&apos;s engagements on the bilateral relations of India and Pakistan. These engagements may be about to resolve issues about the peace and stability in the nuclearized South Asia.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Government Graduate College Samanabad, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science &amp; International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil International Relations, Department of Political Science &amp; International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-expansion-of-shanghai-cooperation-organization-how-can-it-improve-indiapakistan-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392436</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC): Its Implication for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sabahat Jaleel</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shabnam Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Faizan Asghar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>BRI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>FDI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>SEZs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Energy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Infrastructure</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Connectivity</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China-Pakistan Economic Corridor is a recently signed pact between Pakistan and China. This article explains the CPEC project and implications of this trade and economic corridor, particularly for Pakistan. China and Pakistan consider this project a win-win situation not only for both countries but for enhancement towards the economic and trade potential of the whole region. This article also discusses the overall details of CPEC along with its various implications. A qualitative method with the structural interview is adopted for the research.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, University of Engineering and Technology, Taxila, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Department of Peace &amp; Counter Terrorism Studies, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/china-pakistan-economic-corridor-cpec-its-implication-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392437</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Tracing China&apos;s contemporary interest in post-9/11 Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zafar Iqbal Yousafzai</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Inamullah Jan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nasreen Akhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Contemporary Interests</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Stability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace Process</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article aims at examining China&apos;s contemporary interests in post-9/11 Afghanistan. China&apos;s diplomatic engagement started in post-Taliban Afghanistan, yet it did not take any part in the US military campaign. Sine the US-Taliban engagement for peace talks, Beijing has been playing an active role and hosted a number of Taliban delegations for the peace process. The article argues the security threat from Afghanistan, vast natural resources in Afghanistan; concern of narcotic flow from Afghanistan; the market for Chinese goods, and most importantly, Chin&apos;s Belt and Road initiative needs a stable and peaceful Afghanistan are the main factors Beijing is active vis-à-vis contemporary Afghanistan. China&apos;s active socio-economic, political, and diplomatic rendezvous in Afghanistan will not only bring peace and stability to Afghanistan but will also augment China&apos;s political thump at the global level and provide it with a peaceful neighbourhood, the market for its goods and a corridor for its Belt and Road Initiative.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Senior Research Associate, Strategic Vision Institute, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Politics and International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Politics and IR, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/tracing-chinas-contemporary-interest-in-post911-afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).17</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392438</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Sub-Nationalism and the Case for Intrastate Re-Demarcation in South Asia</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Azhar Mahmood Abbasi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asifa Zafar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sub-Nationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics of Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Fault Line</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Re-Demarcation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>EthnoNationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Re-Organization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Group</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New Provinces</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multi-Culturalism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The demographic make-up of South Asia has helped reinforce ethnic politics in each country in the region. South Asia is a diverse and vibrant region ethically, culturally, lingual and religiously. The diversity has its own downside in the region as it has been a constant source of tension and strife as well. Sub-nationalism largely revolves around ethnicity, and all-important policy decisions mainly reflect the ethnolinguistic diversity of any society. Various South Asian countries like India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka Nepal, Bangladesh, and have practised many sub-nationalist movements, most of them acquired separate political and social identities, and others are still persisting in certain forms. This article seeks to analyze the discourse around subnationalism, ethnic politics, ethnonationalism, and the creation of new federating units in South Asia.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/subnationalism-and-the-case-for-intrastate-redemarcation-in-south-asia</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).18</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392439</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>British Colonial Era Architectural History of Abbottabad and its Tourism Prospect</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hamid Zulfiqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adnan Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shahid Mansoor Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>British Colonial Era</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Architectural History</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Abbottabad</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tourism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research focuses on exploring the existing valuable yet neglected heritage trail of Abbottabad. The primary objective of the research is to prepare a conservation strategy for the selected heritage trail in the city after profound study culminating in the detailed documentation of architecturally rich and valuable heritage buildings of the city. One of the important focuses of the conservation was the promotion of tourism in the city by attracting the local as well as international tourists by providing details of each historic structure. Documentation of the Architectural characteristics of important buildings in the selected areas of the city was included in the study. Moreover, all important buildings were documented in terms of their location, architectural and artistic importance. The research brought forth some interesting findings regarding the responses of government authorities and the general public towards the rich heritage trail of the area. In the light of these findings, conclusions were derived and a set of suggestions was prepared for practical implications on an immediate as well as long-term basis.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Conservation Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, University of Engineering and Technology, Abbottabad Campus, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/british-colonial-era-architectural-history-of-abbottabad-and-its-tourism-prospect</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).19</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392440</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Islamic Injunctions on the Institutionalization of Aqilah: A Case Study of Vicarious Liability for Payment of Diyat</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sadia Tabassum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Omar Mahmood Wattoo</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bakht Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Diyat</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Aqilah</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Vicarious Liability</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Islam gives detailed injunctions not only for individuals but also for collectivity, and the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan makes it obligatory on State to enable Muslims to live their individual and a collective life in accordance with the Islamic teachings. An important aspect of the Islamic way of life is that individuals and collectivity provide help and support to each other. This aspect is particularly exemplified by the institution of &apos;Aqilah&apos;, which was established for sharing the burden of the payment of Diyat. Thus, it became an essential element of Muslim society, and it gave rise to the notion of vicarious liability. The present paper explores Islamic Injunctions on this issue and proposes the establishment of the institution of Aqilah for better enforcement of the law of Diyat in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Faculty, Department of Law and Shariah, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Institute of Languages and Linguistics, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/islamic-injunctions-on-the-institutionalization-of-aqilah-a-case-study-of-vicarious-liability-for-payment-of-diyat</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392441</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Enforcement of Foreign Arbitral Awards: A Critical Analysis of Current Pakistan Arbitration Mechanism</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rao Qasim Idrees</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iqra Azhar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mirza Shahid Rizwan Baig</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Alternate Dispute Resolution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arbitral Awards</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arbitration Act 1940</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Settlement of 	  	      International Commercial Disputes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>The New York Convention 1958</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The current research provides an analytical study on the domestic and international arbitration and the application of foreign arbitral awards in Pakistan. The research explains the international arbitration, how it operates, its processes, rulings, and execution as per the domestic arbitration mechanism existing in Pakistan. The study further identifies the flaws that render it impossible to cope with fundamental factors such as the application of foreign arbitral awards at the domestic level as per international practice. The current research adopts analytical and descriptive approaches for interpreting and analyzing the data. Literature reviews for this research consist of relevant statutes, treaties, international Conventions, governing rules and regulations, case laws, legal authorities and have been explored as primary sources. Furthermore, international referred journals, research articles, journal magazines, online databases, dictionaries, law reviews are also acknowledged as secondary sources for this research.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Law, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Student, School of Law, University of Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, College of Law, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-enforcement-of-foreign-arbitral-awards-a-critical-analysis-of-current-pakistan-arbitration-mechanism</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392442</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Arena in Pakistan and Objectivity of Urdu Print Media: A Study of Panama Issue</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Irem Sultana</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hamid Yaseen Ahmed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rao Shahid Mahmood Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Objectivity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Non-Judgmental</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Arena</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Urdu Dailies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Venality Issues</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Unbiased</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Arena.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper examined the scenario of objectivity in Pakistani print media keeping in view the reportage of Panama issue in leading Urdu Dailies. The study investigated the situation whether the Urdu print media remained objective, unbiased, and non-judgmental during reportage of the big corruption scandal of the history of the political arena in Pakistan. The paper assessed the position of factual and non-factual reportage rate in three big Urdu Dailies. The study might be help full to understand the scenario of reportage on big venality issues in Urdu Print World. The results presented the outlines behind the picture of alteration in facts and framed news coverage. The study is concluded with the indications of policy change on news reportage. The applying position of ethical grounds of news coverage of Panama Issue also remained questionable. The study is the outcome of content analysis and in-depth interviews of senior communication experts.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of Mass Communication, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-arena-in-pakistan-and-objectivity-of-urdu-print-media-a-study-of-panama-issue</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392443</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Major Themes in Imran Khan&apos;s UNGA Speeches: A Corpus Assisted Study</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Arshad Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Athar Rashid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shahid Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Islamophobia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islam</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kashmir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>RSS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pandemic</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Every year, the United Nations General Assembly holds a meeting of leaders from different countries. Imran Khan, prime minister of Pakistan, made speeches in the General Assembly of the United Nations twice. The first emphatic address he made at the United Nations General Assembly was on 27 September 2019, and the second was on 25 September 2020. This study aims to find out the major themes in both speeches and examine the frequently used words in the two speeches. For this study, his two speeches were taken from the internet and converted into plain text to compile a corpus. AntConc was used to find out the frequency of frequently used terms and to demonstrate the concordance of frequently used words. The results reveal substantial similarities and slight variations in the content of the two speeches. The major themes highlighted in the speech were India, RSS, Kashmir, Islamophobia, and climate change.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Governance &amp; Public Policy, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/major-themes-in-imran-khans-unga-speeches-a-corpus-assisted-study</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392444</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Importance of Confidence Building Measures for bridging the gap between Pakistan &amp; India</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tasleem Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ali Shan Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Basit Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Conflicts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>High tension</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Distrust</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CBMs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Negotiation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agreements Peace.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research would base on the detailed investigations and steps taken by both countries to build confidence and trust to meet their conflicts and reducing uncertainty and promoting peace. This research will also point out the achievement of confidence building measures which has made possible both sides to start talks to meet the bilateral issues of both sides. The study will examine the importance of CBMs to reduce high tension between India and Pakistan which has made the south Asian region regional peace in danger. The study has also examined the academic work to realize the importance of good relations between the two neighboring nations having the long common border and mutual disputes since independence.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD. Scholar, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/importance-of-confidence-building-measures-for-bridging-the-gap-between-pakistan-india</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392445</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Arab World&apos;s Criticism on Indian Islamophobia: Understanding Islamic Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zaeem Yasin</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hassan Siddique</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Lubna Shaheen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indian Islamophobia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arab World</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Muslim Ummah</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Thematic Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Post COVID-19 Islamophobia in India led to an unprecedented reaction from the Arab World, which had been quiet against the persecution of Indian Muslims, especially after Narendra Modi&apos;s premiership. This study has highlighted the international media coverage regarding Islamophobia in India &amp; its impacts on Indo-Arab Relations and also evaluated how can Islamophobia in India impact Indo-Arab ties in future. A thematic qualitative study has been conducted to comprehend the important themes and subthemes discussed in the renowned international media outlets. For this purpose, twelve articles from reputed international media outlets were selected for the qualitative thematic analysis during the month of April &amp; May 2020. This study has discussed the notion of the Islamic concept of Ummah, which ultimately led the Arab world to object to the persecution of Muslims in India. Thematic analysis of the content of reputed international media outlets concluded that if the situation does not improve in India, then the Islamic world may unite itself against Indian policies, which can leave a major dent in India&apos;s international image and it&apos;s economy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Fellow, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/arab-worlds-criticism-on-indian-islamophobia-understanding-islamic-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392446</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Evaluation of Ethnicity and Issues of Political Development in Punjab, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kanwar Muhammad Yasir Furqan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hafsa Yaseen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Ethnicity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Nationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Disagreement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Structure</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Equality</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Movements</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Militarism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The purpose of this research is to evaluate ethnicity and its impact on the political structure of Punjab, Pakistan. This paper examines the role of ethnicity in political behaviour of the masses in Punjab. A social counsel that shows the recognition of a specific group which is descended from the same predecessors is called ethnicity while political development is the continuous decrease of ethnic, social, and religious pressure and components. This topic is vital because of subverting tendencies of the circumstances that in reality endanger the survival of the minority groups in Punjab and therefore hampers significant political development. The governments haven&apos;t yielded any efficacious outcomes in spite of elucidation that has been consistently provided. Subsequently, they need to search for a more practical alternative by focusing on the divisions that are present in ethnic societies. Ethnic democracy should be present that is a governmental system which links the ethnic groups to their democratic and political rights. Quantitative research technique is used in this research article to know the public opinion about Ethnicity and political development. The Researchers collected the data by distributing Questionnaire among people.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Chairman, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Sir Syed University of Engineering and Technology, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/evaluation-of-ethnicity-and-issues-of-political-development-in-punjab-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392447</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Great Powerplay in the Indian Ocean: Implications for the Region</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Umer Hayat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syeda Aqsa Sajjad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farrukh Shahzad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indian Ocean</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indus Water Treaty</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rising China</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Indian Ocean is important due to its strategic location, geopolitical significance and trade activities being performed through it. The United States of America is attaining energy, and other resources have a deep interest in the region. China, through its &quot;string of pearls strategy&quot;, is encountering the American goals in the regional by the promotion of its economic activities, securing its dominance in the region, thus posing a constant challenge to the later as well as a regional power i.e. India. Contending interests of regional and international powers in the Indian Ocean Region has led to power projection, affected the security environment, fuelling the issues. The necessity to preserve the available energy resources for survival and to meet future needs is attracting great powers to the Indian Ocean Region. The close alliance between the US and India and dwindling relations between the US and Pakistan are leading towards close ties between Pakistan and China.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/great-powerplay-in-the-indian-ocean-implications-for-the-region</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392448</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Dynamics and Interplay between International Politics and War Economy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mudassir Mehdi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Riaz Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Arif Jameel</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Interplay Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>War Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Globalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The experiences of developed countries about the cost of adjustment were quite different; therefore, it is very complex to analyze the interplay between these two variables relationship between military spending and economic development of the country; this also brought the significance of war politics, economies and the political economy of war industries at domestic, regional and international level. Therefore, it is necessary to take care of reallocating the national budgets for adopting the policies of conversion to aid structural adjustments in different sectors of the economy in developing countries. The circumstances differ; it is important to concede the role of military spending in socio-economic development and its effectiveness in economies. Only when the information on these variables are available, then the policies will be made possible at the national and international level for any developing countries to meet the challenge of development. This will lead the nourishment of human capital and human development index.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Public Policy and Administration, Xi&apos;an Jiaotong University, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Zhejiang University, Hangzhou, Zhejiang, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/dynamics-and-interplay-between-international-politics-and-war-economy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392449</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Portrayal of Political Parties in English Newspapers during the General Elections 2008 in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shazia Ismail Toor</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Newspaper</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dawn</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>the News</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>General Elections 2008</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research aims to explore the portrayal of political parties in the English newspapers of Pakistan during the general elections of 2008. The media&apos;s importance during the process of elections becomes manifold as it can frame the image of politicians and political parties. Comparative analysis of the leading political parties of Pakistan, including PPPP, PMLN and PTI, in the two English dailies - Dawn and The News was done. This paper examined the frequency and direction of editorials and front-page news stories that were published on leading political parties from 18th January 2008 to 18th March 2008. Along with the content analysis method, theoretical postulates of agenda-setting were employed to explore English newspapers&apos; depiction of political parties during general elections 2008. Findings revealed that a maximum number of news and editorials were published on PPPP, but it was portrayed in a negative manner. The English print media adopted a supportive tilt towards PMLN by giving it a positive portrayal during the general election of 2008.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/portrayal-of-political-parties-in-english-newspapers-during-the-general-elections-2008-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392450</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Analysis of National Political Conflicts in Leading Urdu Pakistani Newspapers during 2015-17</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kiran Karamat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noshina Saleem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tahseen Arshad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Political Conflicts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Leading Urdu Pakistani Newspapers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Framing theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Content Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study investigates Analysis of National Political Conflicts in Leading Urdu Pakistani Newspapers during 2015-17. The main aim of this study was to explore the analysis of national political conflicts in selected newspapers. Framing theory was applied to study the newspaper&apos;s treatment of political conflicts as a theoretical baseline. Two leading Urdu newspapers Daily Jang and Nawa-i-Waqt, due to their circulation and readership and a valuable amount of information for researchers and scholars, were selected for content analysis by using purposive sampling from the period of 2015 to 2017. Data were analyzed using SPSS (version 21); hence, the findings revealed that there is a significant association between newspapers analysis and national political conflicts.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Secondary Education, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/an-analysis-of-national-political-conflicts-in-leading-urdu-pakistani-newspapers-during-201517</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392451</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Emergence of the Khilafat Movement in Sargodha: Beginning of Agitational Politics and Impacts on the Freedom Movement</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Pervez</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Humaira Arif Dasti</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Rasheed Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Khilafat Movement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sargodha</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agitation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Freedom Movement</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Mustafa Kamal abolished the institution of Khilafat in 1924, but the Sargodha district Khilafat Committee continued its functioning. Peers of Sial Sharif and Bugvis of Bhera played the leading role, while pro-British feudal lords supported the government. Khilafat conferences were held in which high-level Khilafat leaders participated and addressed. Samarna-Fund was collected, and a sum of Rs 9600 was submitted to the Punjab Khilafat Committee. Sialvi and Bugvi visited different towns and villages and conveyed the Khilafat message in simple words. Bugvi was arrested and sent to prison for one and a half year. While on the arrest of Peer of Sial-Sharif, the Muslims of Soon Valley began to offer arrest every day. From the Khilafat movement, Muslims of Sargodha enhanced their awareness and gained experience. They utilized it in Pakistan Movement 1940-47 and received prominent status in any district of Punjab outside Lahore. They challenged their feudal lords of past and rulers of present and, as a powerful factor, won their share in freedom.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of History, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of History, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of History, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-emergence-of-the-khilafat-movement-in-sargodha-beginning-of-agitational-politics-and-impacts-on-the-freedom-movement</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-IV).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392452</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>India&apos;s Claim for Pacifism &amp; Arms Modernization: Changing Postures and Outcomes for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Umer Hayat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Alina Zaid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farrukh Shahzad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>No First Use</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pacifism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Interests-Roles</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Future Prospects</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article highlights the aims under Indian Prime Minister Modi concerning to foreign policy of India since 2014. Moreover, it determines those factors that are working as an impetus along with great powers intentions and motives behind them in playing such geostrategic politics in different dimensions, specifically in the nuclear relationship of India and Pakistan. It will also be summarised the assistance and neutrality of Asian power, United States role in South Asia. This paper evaluates the prospects of escalation and de-escalation furthermore as it will discuss the opacity of No First Use, logic and attempt for eradication. This article critically analyses the changing postures in terms of nuclear motivations, the ideology of the Hindutva effect and the comparison of arms and weapons, which are creating risks of miscalculations and essentially at the core of the stability-instability paradox. An attempt is also made to shed light on the core elements that are formulating under Modi.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Senior Assistant Professor, Department Humanities and Social Sciences, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, Bahria University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/indias-claim-for-pacifism-arms-modernization-changing-postures-and-outcomes-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392453</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Leadership, Idiosyncrasies, and Political Behaviour: Personality Analyses of Presidents Donald Trump and Andrew Jackson</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nadeem Mirza</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Summar Iqbal Babar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farheen Qasim Nizamani</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Andrew Jackson</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Donald Trump</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Idiosyncrasy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Leadership</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Personality profiling</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>How do leaders&apos; idiosyncrasies are developed, and how do these, in turn, impact their political behaviour? This study traces the idiosyncratic behaviour of Presidents Andrew Jackson and Donald Trump. It details four historical traditions - Hamiltonian, Wilsonian, Jeffersonian, and Jacksonian. The study expands upon Jacksonian tradition and sees that how Trump pursued this tradition and how is his political behaviour remained similar to that of Andrew Jackson. Three specific areas in which these variables are determined are personal lives, narcissism and authoritarian behaviour, and populism and corruption. The paper also charts out the ways and means through which Donald Trump&apos;s administration is termed as Jacksonian in nature.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Faculty Member, School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad. Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Faculty Member, School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad. Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Faculty Member, Department of Media &amp; Communication Studies, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/leadership-idiosyncrasies-and-political-behaviour-personality-analyses-of-presidents-donald-trump-and-andrew-jackson</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392454</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Preserving Distinctive Identity through Cultural Revival: An Analysis of Sindhi Nationalist Movement during One-Unit Era</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sultan Mubariz Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Misbah Shaheen</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Jawad Hashmi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sindh</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indigenous/Native Sindhi&apos;s</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Islam The paper intends to address the fundamental question that whether the movement for cultural revival in Sindh during the One-Unit period was a surrogate effort for the achievement of political goals or it was an effort by the Sindhi intelligentsia to protect Sindhi culture against the government&apos;s patronized onslaught of foreign cultures and to ensure the survival of cultural personality of indigenous Sindhis. The abolishment of Sindh&apos;s provincial status in 1955 to create a unified province of West Pakistan, also called as One-Unit, had triggered a campaign in Sindh to regain the provincial status. The political environment was not permissible for any overt political agitation, so a vigorous campaign for cultural revival spearheaded by the intelligentsia and educated youth emerged with vigor. The study focuses on investigating the goals and objectives of the movement by qualitative analysis of data and concludes that the movement endeavoured to protect and strengthen the distinctive cultural personality of indigenous Sindhis within Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Gujrat, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, University of Gujrat, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/preserving-distinctive-identity-through-cultural-revival-an-analysis-of-sindhi-nationalist-movement-during-oneunit-era</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392455</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Post 9/11 Trends: Bush to Obama to Trump (Multilateralism and Peace Initiatives in Afghanistan)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Khokhar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tahir Jamil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Qamar Abid Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Post 9/11</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Anti-Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multilateralism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace Initiatives</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghan War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Obama</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace Building</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The overall U.S. strategy in Afghanistan lacks clarity and consistently coordinated efforts/policies to bring peace in the war-torn country. From the Bush to Obama and Trump administrations, the situation remains complex, and ambiguity prevails on the future of Afghanistan and achievements; therefore, the U.S. needs to think outside the box to emerge from this turbulent 19 years-long war. No single country can bring peace and security in Afghanistan due to its complex and diverse nature of issues, its history of conflicts and unsettled domestic issues, which divided the nation into different tribes and factions. The continuity in using soft and smart powers, a multilateral approach, along with Principal-Agent theory, would help to further pave the way forward for bringing peace in Afghanistan. The consistent approach towards state-building and nationbuilding took by U.S. coalitions, and the U.N. will have a positive impact and create a consensus to develop a peaceful and stable Afghanistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Area Study Centre, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Department of Pakistan Studies, Bahuddian Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/post-911-trends-bush-to-obama-to-trump-multilateralism-and-peace-initiatives-in-afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392456</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Impact of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) on National Development and Integration in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shabnam Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Faizan Asghar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Integration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Disharmony</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Islam This research focuses on the impact of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) on the national development and societal integration in Pakistan. Substantial literature is available on the geo-political and geo-economics of CPEC; however, a literature gap exists on the interplay of the domestic politics of Pakistan and the CPEC. I want to explore the intrinsic linkage of federal and provincial disputes, which influence the implementation of CPEC and how such dialectic relationship is affecting nation-building and societal integration in Pakistan. The central argument I want to build is that how such a mega-investment project to the tune of US$ 62 billion, unprecedented in Pakistan&apos;s history at the most critical times of economy and energy crisis, is creating inter-provincial disharmony and polarizing the masses. In answering this question, the articles examine multiple standpoints in Pakistan and present critical inquiry of the impact of domestic politics on the CPEC, nation-building and societal integration by applying the theoretical lens of nation-building and societal integration.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Peace &amp; Counter Terrorism Studies, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/impact-of-chinapakistan-economic-corridor-cpec-on-national-development-and-integration-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392457</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan USA Relations: Prospects &amp; Dynamics in a New World Order</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asmatullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hanif Khalil</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New World Order</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ayub khan Era</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold War</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The diplomatic relationship between Pakistan and United States is a matter of importance. It is a debate of strategic partnership and a tale of friendship. Systematically the relationship was born in 1947 to have a direct entry of the United States in the region of South Asia. Hence both states worked on a bundle of agreements to strengthen their relationship. However, there was a turn of events that took place in 1965, 1971, 1998 &amp; 2001, where both nations faced hardship. The papers bring light upon these scenarios and narrate them from a natural perspective. The ideas that are discussed in the paper is to give future solutions for Pakistan to deal with the United States.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, National Institute of Pakistan Studies, Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistan-usa-relations-prospects-dynamics-in-a-new-world-order</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392458</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of CPEC in Energy and Industrial Development of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tahir Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mian Tahir Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Energy. Industry</dc:subject>
<dc:description>China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has been identified as a &quot;game-changer&quot; for Pakistan. Pakistan is facing two vital issues in recent times; one, the energy crisis and second, the lack of industrial capabilities. This paper explores that how CPEC is helpful in resolving the issue of the energy crisis in Pakistan. The industrial development in Pakistan through the CPEC project is also discussed in this research. Different energy projects and special industrial economic zones initiated under CPEC are discussed in this research. The research is supported by a survey conducted from 300 students of BS and MA level from different universities of South Punjab. The research concludes that CPEC seems to be helpful in resolving the energy crisis and the development of the industrial sector. However, the pace of working on these projects is slow, and the policymakers in Pakistan need to revise their strategy to get the full benefit from CPEC.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Chairman, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mechanical Engineering, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-cpec-in-energy-and-industrial-development-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392459</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Content and Television Channels in Pakistan: Investigating the Professional and Sensational Tendencies on Panama Issue</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Zahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Malik Adnan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Qamar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sensational Presentation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sensational Coverage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Professional</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Panama Leaks</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>ARY</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo News</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study analyzes the content and Presentation of the Panama issue in Pakistan&apos;s two leading TV channels; Geo TV and ARY TV. Through the content analysis technique, it was found that both the channels professionally present the controversy on the Panama issue in terms of camera techniques, music, and other production skills. However, the content was very sensational on both channels. Separately, ARY TV was more sensational both in Presentation and Coverage of the Panama issue than the Geo TV, which was more professional.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Mass Communication, Bahria University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Communication and Media Studies, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-content-and-television-channels-in-pakistan-investigating-the-professional-and-sensational-tendencies-on-panama-issue</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392460</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Intelligence Cooperation and National Security Shift of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Faizan Asgher</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shabnam Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Intelligence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The concept of intelligence cooperation and national security is not new, particularly after realism which interpreted these concepts with different perspectives. International states are sovereign, and they got the capacity to secure themselves from internal and external threats, i.e., army is a key to state security as it can attack the enemy to protect its borders. States are not all the time hostiles, but after 9/11, the concept of national security with refers to intelligence cooperation is a highly debatable issue. This paper study the concept of intelligence cooperation with reference to Pakistan in the previous history and present perspectives after 9/11 and the Global war against terrorism.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Peace &amp; Counter Terrorism Studies, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/intelligence-cooperation-and-national-security-shift-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392461</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR): From Introduction to Abolition</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Noor Hamid Khan Mahsud</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mian Saeed Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Wasai</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>FCR</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jirga</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>FATA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Territorial Responsibility</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Collective Responsibility</dc:subject>
<dc:description>When the British arrived at the North-West Frontier, it adopted several special measures to crush the resistance from Pashtun tribes and safeguard colonial interests. One of these special measures was the introduction of FCR, which was introduced to increase the conviction rate in criminal cases without the requirements of due process of law. This paper tries to present a detailed account of FCR from its introduction to its abolition. It highlights the circumstances which led to the introduction of FCR. It further explains how the British revised the FCR from time to time to expand its scope to make it better serve imperial interests. Its review by various commissions/committees and higher judiciary observations about it are also discussed in this paper. This paper is based on both primary sources like archival material and personal interviews as well as secondary sources.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations, Quaid-e-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/frontier-crimes-regulation-fcr-from-introduction-to-abolition</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392462</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Discussions on Social Media in Pakistan and Obstinate Partisanship</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ifra Iftikhar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Irem Sultana</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Malik Adnan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Offline Political Discussions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Media Use</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Online Political Discussions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Echo  Chambers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>and Obstinate Partisanship</dc:subject>
<dc:description>With the rise of social media over the last two decades, people have become more polarized and rigid in their views. Social interactions on social media networks are affecting political behaviors and making people obstinate partisans. The term obstinate partisanship was coined by Ardevol-Abreu and Gil de Zuniga (2020) and referred to the blind, unconditional loyalty to a certain political party. The purpose of this study is to examine the prevalence of obstinate partisanship in Pakistani media users who are active consumers of political news and regularly engage in political discussions. This study seeks to investigate how significantly various factors impact obstinate partisanship. The factors studied are media use habits, affiliation with a political party, sociodemographic characteristics including age, gender, education, income, area of residence, and political discussion attributes. The survey data collected from the four major cities of Pakistan and their neighboring rural areas were used. The data revealed that the individuals who engage in political talk online and disagreements during discussions over political issues are more likely to remain unconditionally supportive of party policy and action regardless of their adequacy, the effectiveness of the policy and party performance and this disposition seems to increase with age.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Lahore Garrison University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-discussions-on-social-media-in-pakistan-and-obstinate-partisanship</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392463</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>National Action Plan and Universities: An Assessment of Students Perception in Multan, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asghar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nadeem Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ramzan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Deteriorate</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Abstain</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Intimidate</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legitimate</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Execution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Combating</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Crackdown</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jurisdiction</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indispensable</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study aimed to assess students perceptions of the National Action Plan and the impact on the attitudes of South Punjab University students. The study was reserved for male and female students studying at selected universities in South Punjab in 2016. Systematic random sampling was used to draw the sample. The total sample consists of 539 students. A questionnaire (5-point Likert Scale) was prepared and used to collect data. The data collected were analyzed using percentages, average scores, standard deviation, t-test and ANOVA. This study has a constructive purpose of improving the security situation of universities in the south of Punjab and making students think about the whole scenario. The results of the statistical analysis showed that terrorism had changed the lives of students, the Government should take more measures to eliminate terrorism, and students should refrain from thinking about terrorist attacks.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Education, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant professor, Department of Special Education, University of Okara, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Education, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/national-action-plan-and-universities-an-assessment-of-students-perception-in-multan-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392464</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Assessment of the Emergence of Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA) in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan, in the 2002 General Elections</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Jamal Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahir Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal (MMA)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Khyber Pakhtunkhwa</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakhtun Nationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious  Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Election</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Though Pakistani politics is heavily influenced by religion assumed to be the reason d&apos;etat of the creation of Pakistan, prior to 2002, religious, political parties had never achieved effective electoral results. The October 2002 elections for the National and Provincial Assemblies were a turning point for the religious, political parties in the history of Pakistan. It was the first time that a conglomeration of six religious, political parties, the Jamaat-i-Islami, the Jamiat-i-Ulema-iPakistan (JUP-N), Jamiat-i-Ahle Hadith (JAH-S), the Jamiat-Ulema-iIslam (JUI-F), Jamiat-Ulema-i-Islam (JUI-S), and the Tehrik-i-Jaferia Pakistan (TJP) swept the polls under the umbrella of the Muttahida Majlise-Amal (MMA) (United Council for Action) due to the active support of the Army and America. The alliance emerged as the third-largest political force in the country, with 45 out of the 272 National Assembly general seats. Moreover, the MMA got an overwhelming mandate in the KhyberPakhtunkhwa (KP) and Baluchistan, allowing it to form a government in the KP and became a coalition partner in Baluchistan. The present study is an attempt to answer the question, &quot;what were the causative factors of MMA&apos;s emergence and whether it achieved what it promised during the election campaign?&quot;.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Government Post Graduate College, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/an-assessment-of-the-emergence-of-muttahida-majliseamal-mma-in-khyber-pakhtunkhwa-pakistan-in-the-2002-general-elections</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392465</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Zionism and Identity Crisis: Ethnic Conflict between Israelis and Palestinians</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Owais</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Zionism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Colonialism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethno-Nationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Secession</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Palestine issue is attributed to be the most complicated problem in the region of the Middle East. However, few researchers analyze the problem through the lens of ethnic conflict. This research paper investigates that the use of Zionism as a metaphor for colonialism and its role in fostering an ethnic conflict between Israeli and Palestinians. Qualitative content analysis is used to analyze secondary data on ethnic conflict in present Israel. In addition to that bargaining model of war is used to identify the underlying issues of the ethnic conflict. The findings reveal that Zionism and identity contribute to accelerating the ethnic conflict between Israeli and Palestinians. Despite international interventions and signing many peace agreements, the problem remains unresolved due to a trust deficit between both ethnicities.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/zionism-and-identity-crisis-ethnic-conflict-between-israelis-and-palestinians</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392466</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Women&apos;s Emancipation during Musharraf Era (1999-2008)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shazia Noareen</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asmat Naz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Women Emancipation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Patriarchy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Feminism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Women liberation and efforts to achieve equal domestic and social rights struggle hard in a patriarchal society. Feminism is strongly inculcating the idea of gender equality to avoid discriminatory behaviors. The present research aims to study the phenomenon of women emancipation during the Musharraf era. Pakistan is a patriarchal society where men exercise their power over powerless female members of the family. The current study aims to highlight women emancipation and its dire need to maintain to give importance to women. The study is qualitative in nature, focuses on the need for women emancipation. The findings reveal that 21st-century Pakistani society is still facing patriarchal pressures where women emancipation is prohibited by powerful agencies, so there must be strong efforts to be done to work for equality of rights of women. The study enriches knowledge on the phenomenon of women liberation and provides insight for future researchers to carry out significant research in this regard.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of History &amp; Pakistan Studies, The Women University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of History &amp; Pakistan Studies, The Women University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/womens-emancipation-during-musharraf-era-19992008</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392467</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Perception of Youth Regarding PM Nawaz Shareef on Panama Leaks Issue: A Case Study of Bahauddin Zakariya University Students</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Chaudhary Husnain Yousaf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Shah Zaib Naqvi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Nawaz Shareef</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Panama Leaks</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>University</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bahauddin Zakariya University</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Students</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>University</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Panama Papers are almost a set of 11.5 million documents that were leaked privately. This study contributes to the impact that media poses in changing the opinion of individuals over issues, events or news. The information was collected through survey methodology in which the researcher divided the University students into 5 categories from whom the information was collected; these categories included Arts, Natural Science, Engineering, Agriculture and Social Science. The sample selected for the research was 300 respondents from these categories, and 60 students were chosen through Systematic sampling from every category from whom the information was collected; the study findings show that most of the students of Bahauddin Zakariya University were familiar with the Panama leaks issue and got to know about it through social media. The study also finds that among the students who are aware of Panama leaks, many of them believe in the credibility and veracity of the issue. In this study, the Pearson Chi-squared test indicates there is a correlation between people perception about the veracity of Panama Leaks and their trust in the explanation provided by the Shareef family.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Mass Communication, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer Journalism, Government Degree College, Qadir Pur Ran, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Mass Communication, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/perception-of-youth-regarding-pm-nawaz-shareef-on-panama-leaks-issue-a-case-study-of-bahauddin-zakariya-university-students</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392468</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Peeking into Afghan&apos;s history: A study from 1988 to 2010</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Umair Jalal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bakhtiar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Usman Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>ISAF</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>withdrawal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>9/11</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NATO troops</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study will elaborate the Afghan historical events that took place right after the Geneva accord of 1988 when USSR forces pullout from the country till 2010. The article will explain the emergence of the Taliban and their establishment of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan. Moreover, the paper will elaborate on the Taliban&apos;s nexus with al-Qaeda and their efforts to settle them in Afghanistan. Furthermore, this particular research tends to analyse the US retaliation and war on terror after the catastrophic event of 9/11. Additionally, the paper will illustrate the launching of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) and the Taliban&apos;s bloody resurgence and their belligerence after the said mission. Consequently, the research will examine Obama&apos;s administration war strategies and tactics after his presidential victory over John McCain.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>(M.Phil. in Political Science), SST, Government Higher Secondary School, Kati Garhi, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor. Department of Political Science, University of Buner, Buner, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of Politics &amp; IR, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/peeking-into-afghans-history-a-study-from-1988-to-2010</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).17</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392469</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Case Study of Media Growth and its Impact on Socio-Political Development of Pakistan (1999-2009)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Altaf Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Taj Moharram Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nisar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Media Growth</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Political Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kyber Pakhtunkhwa</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The dawn of the 21st Century brings with itself a greater power, &quot;The Media&quot;. Media is growing all around and has a major impact on all the spectra of life. The present study is about the impact of media growth on the social and political development of Pakistan during the period 1999 to 2009. This research study is based on the objectives to know about what impact and up to what extent has the media growth put on the different factors of Social and Political Development in Pakistan during the study period. The questionnaire was developed after a thorough review of the literature. It was validated by three concerned field experts, and pilot testing of the research instrument was conducted. One hundred and fifty university faculty and students were selected as a sample from different districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa among the respective groups. The findings of Chi-Square analysis suggest that respondents view the impact of media growth on all the indicators of social and political development in Pakistan. It is recommended that media needs to play a more positive role in the development of thinking of people and politics, which can uplift society as a whole.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Qurtuba University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor/Chairman, Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Institute of Business &amp; Management Sciences FMCS, The University of Agriculture Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/a-case-study-of-media-growth-and-its-impact-on-sociopolitical-development-of-pakistan-19992009</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).18</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392470</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Aristotelian Rhetoric and the Politics of Persuasion: A Study of Imran Khan&apos;s Venture into Politics</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shaista Gohar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Summayya</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bushra Seemab</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sit-in</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Imran Khan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethos</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pathos</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Logos</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Aristotle</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper explores the politics of persuasion with special reference to Imran Khan&apos;s venture into politics. Influenced and inspired by Aristotle, he effectively used various methods of persuasion, including ethos, pathos and logos, to convince the audience to come out in large numbers and support his cause. Imran Khan was in a better position to act effectively in accordance with the features annunciated by Aristotle. This strategy worked effectively because, during the sit-in, Khan was not only able to keep his audience actively engaged and involved, he also did not let their energies exhaust. This is evident from the fact that a number of participants never came down; instead, it kept going up for continuous 126 days. Moreover, Imran Khan broadened his vote bank to such an extent that he was able to form government in the center and other two provinces in the 2018 elections. Data was collected through secondary sources from books, research articles and newspaper writings. Findings suggest that Imran khan effectively used the strategy of persuasion to change the political opinion of the masses and won the elections in the end.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/aristotelian-rhetoric-and-the-politics-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).19</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392471</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Future Implications of CPEC: A Descriptive Analysis of Cultural Impact of China- Pak Economic Corridor (CPEC) on Pakistan and Chinese Culture</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maria Nisar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rana Imran Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Asif</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>China-Pak Economic Corridor (CPEC)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Future Perspective</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cultural Impact</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Chinese Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Nowadays regional as well as global spirits are being changed because of the strong relationship between Pakistan and China. Pakistan is getting richness and advancement with the influence of the magnificent platform of china. The relationship of both countries bonds in the shape of the china-Pak economic corridor (CPEC)project, which has been a great fact to maintain the relationship of Pakistan and China. Both countries are rich in their connection like &quot;higher than a mountain,&quot; stronger than steel, deeper than the ocean as well as sweeter than honey&quot;. This paper emphasizes the cultural impact of CPEC on Pakistan and china with its future implications. It also demonstrates the benefits for both countries in a cultural context because this project is going to spread positivity for both countries. The future of Pakistan will be brightened because CPEC is going to change Pakistan into a business center with different countries for the sake of trade like Bangladesh,Indonesia as well as Burma. The nature of this research is qualitative and the data collected from secondary sources. It was analyzed through a historical context that signifies the importance of CPEC as a sign of fortune for both countries. So, the cultural impact of both countries will be rich and distinct, with numerous benefits through this project.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>School of Foreign Languages, Shanghai University, Shanghai, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Faculty English, Virtual University of Pakistan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>School of Foreign Languages, Shanghai University, Shanghai, China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/future-implications-of-cpec-a-descriptive-analysis-of-cultural-impact-of-china-pak-economic-corridor-cpec-on-pakistan-and-chinese-culture</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).20</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392472</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>What Went Wrong with National Action Plan in Pakistan? An Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hakeem Said</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Brekhna Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aneela Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>National Action Plan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Army Public School</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Al-Qaeda</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>TTP</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The 2014s APS incident shook the entire state apparatus,which caused all the stakeholders to sit and join hands to effectively deal with terrorism. The ultimate outcome was the formulation of the National Action Plan (NAP), which provided for a twenty points comprehensive plan to uproot terrorism. The plan was the reflection of Government resilience to show zero tolerance for terrorist networks.However, after the passage of almost seven years, it is high time to look into where the NAP missed its stated goals. This paper looks deeply into those factors and causes and, in the end, makes recommendations as to how to improve things. What it concludes is that the real stakeholders, the street-level bureaucrats, have not been included in the consultation process. They are the ones whose opinions must have been listened to as they are much closer to the issue at hand. Data was collected through secondary sources, including books, newspaper articles, and research papers to make a balanced analysis.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer in Political Science, University College for Women, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/what-went-wrong-with-national-action-plan-in-pakistan-an-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).21</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392473</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of News and Current Affairs Channels in Creating Political Awareness Among Youth: A Case Study of Lahore City</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fizza Kaukab</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saadia Anwar Pasha</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sana Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Public Opinion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Awareness</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Role</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Voting Behaviour</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Today, electronic media are playing an essential role in altering public opinion and political structure in a country.The role of electronic media is specifically significant in Pakistan as Pakistan has a larger and more vibrantly active Media landscape. The study also investigates the relevant effects of media content on Pakistani youth. The researcher employed the case study method and randomly selected a sample of n= 300 respondents from three public and three private sector universities in Lahore. The results indicated that Pakistani youth have good media exposure and frequently watch political discussion-based programs. Respondents also revealed that different news and current affairs channels affect the political efficacy of the youth and general population in Pakistan. Thus the research concluded that youngsters watch news and current affairs channels, no matter how biased that content is. Political Talk shows are much more prevalent,especially during election campaigns and other political situations.Further, the research discussed the limitations and made recommendations for future studies accordingly.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Faculty, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-news-and-current-affairs-channels-in-creating-political-awareness-among-youth-a-case-study-of-lahore-city</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).22</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392474</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The GSP+ Status of Pakistan in the European Union: Challenges and Prospects</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Riaz Shad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>European Union</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>GSP+ Status</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>UN Conventions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Prospects</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The EU granted GSP+ status of Pakistan aimed to foster economic stability and good governance in the country. However, Pakistan&apos;s progress vis-a-vis both objectives remains far below the potential. It could not significantly take advantage of enhanced tariff reductions under GSP+ to realize the diversification and value-addition of its exports. Meanwhile, Pakistan&apos;s performance in implementing 27 UN conventions - mandatory for a GSP+ beneficiary - needs improvement. The EU assessed the country&apos;s overall performance, in this regard, as satisfactory but noted certain human rights violations. In this connection, it has recently started a process for possible &apos;temporary withdrawal&apos; of Pakistan&apos;s GSP+ status. Drawing on the theory of Discursive Institutionalism, this paper analyses challenges and prospects for the GSP+ status of Pakistan. The paper argues that the GSP+ withdrawal will aggravate the economic vulnerability of Pakistan; however, the EU will possibly not exercise this option in view of various economic and political factors.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor &amp; Jean Monnet Chair (Under Erasmus+ Programme of the European Union), Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-gsp-status-of-pakistan-in-the-european-union-challenges-and-prospects</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392475</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Hybrid Warfare and the Challenges to the Conduct of Intelligence</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shabnam Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Faizan Asghar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zahid Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Hybrid Warfare</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Superpowers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Intelligence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Contemporary World</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The character of warfare has remained constant however its nature has been changing from time to time over the last twenty years. The traditional definition of warfare, explaining an exceptionally coordinated and prepared involvement of powers in the conflict, such as the Second World War, have become old fashioned and irrelevant. The Intelligence operations were moderately clear and defined through the Cold War era. There were two defined adversaries, both were superpowers, and existential dangers to public safety, both political and military (counting atomic), were generally straightforward. Indeed, even psychological warfare was &apos;less complex&apos; as it was focused on a targeted audience and state associations utilizing strategies were notable. The post- 9/11 world is facing new and complex difficulties especially with regards to nature of warfare which has become Hybrid as well as countering techniques in terms of Intelligence operations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Peace &amp; Counter Terrorism Studies, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ministry of Defense</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/hybrid-warfare-and-the-challenges-to-the-conduct-of-intelligence</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392476</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of the Central Committee of Action in Organization of the Provincial Muslim Leagues</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shahzad Qaisar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Riffat Haque</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>League</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Organization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provincial Leagues</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Central Committee</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Check and Balance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Expansion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Records</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sindh</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Punjab</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NWFP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Baluchistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>UP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ajmir-Marwara</dc:subject>
<dc:description>All India Muslim League lost 1936 elections which propelled Jinnah to re-organize the party on modern grounds. But the re-organization was not that much efficacious due to the absence of effective checks and balances overworking of provincial branches. Initial endeavors to keep check overworking and organization of the provincial Leagues were short successes on the part of the Central League. The working of the Central Civil Defence Committee accentuated the need for a separate body for such tasks. Jinnah brought his idea to life in 1944 by establishing the Central Committee of Action. This was the most authoritative body after Jinnah having powers to affiliate and disaffiliate provincial branches. Moreover, this body not only re-organized the provincial branches but also settled their intra-party disputes effectively. The working of branches improves substantially due to the committee&apos;s initiatives for grassroots level activities. The 1946 elections testified logic behind the formation and its result-oriented working to improve Provincial Leagues.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies and History, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-the-central-committee-of-action-in-organization-of-the-provincial-muslim-leagues</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392477</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan-India Rivalry: An Analytical Perspective of Balance of Power....</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saima Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pak Rivalry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balance of Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics of Alliances</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold War Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Major Powers Role</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Division of British India culminated into two new states of Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority Pakistan.However, both Pakistan and India remained hostile since their inception.Multiple factors are responsible for their rivalry, such as the disputed Kashmir, water issues, communal riots, and assets distribution, etc. This affected the South Asian politics and invited the major powers to play their political game by influencing Indian and Pakistan&apos;s positions. The paper analyzes the bilateral conflict of India and Pakistan, their techniques to maintain the balance of power, and the role of major powers. The study also examines the foreign policies of India and Pakistan and their due positions since independence. The theory of balance of power has been applied to this study to explore the various aspects and prerequisites of BOP. The paper relies on qualitative methods of research to describe the positions of India and Pakistan in their strategies of the balance of power.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Women University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil. Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, NUML, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistanindia-rivalry-an-analytical-perspective-of-balance-of-power</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392478</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Jinnah&apos;s Pakistan, Hodson and the Letter to Nawab Ismail</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Meraj Hasan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asifa Zafar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kanwal Noreen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Jinnah</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hodson</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nawab Ismail</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Partition</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Muhammad Ali Jinnah called for the division of India on 22ndMarch 1940 in his presidential address to the annual session of the All-India Muslim League held at Lahore. Immediately, the League were beset with not only opposition from all flanks but also the allegation that Jinnah&apos;s idea of Pakistan was ill-defined and merely a counter for bargaining. Even after Pakistan&apos;s independence in 1947, this theory was furthered to the extent of being elevated to orthodoxy. This paper examines Jinnah&apos;s private correspondence dealing with the nature of Pakistan, in particular Jinnah&apos;s 1941 letter to the League leader Nawab Ismail that refers to findings of the Reforms Commissioner H.V. Hodson regarding Pakistan, and is often cited as evidence of Jinnah’s ‘real aims’. In parallel, Jinnah and prominent League leaders’ dealings with the British are analyzed in order to reconcile their disparate stances.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/jinnahs-pakistan-hodson-and-the-letter-to-nawab-ismail</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392479</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Evaluating the Impact of Hazara Motorway on Tourism Growth Under the China-Pakis..</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rafit Saheed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nauman Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Armaghan Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Binary Logistic Model</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hazara Motorway</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tourism Growth</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The objective of this research is to evaluate the outcome of Hazara Motorway on Tourism Expansion because of China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) in Hazara region. This research used primary data collected through a questionnaire from the 120 tourists regarding their response on factors associated with future expectations of tourism industry growth in Hazara region under CPEC due to Hazara motorway using a purposive simple random sampling technique. The study used logistic regression for analysis. The regression results show that tourists&apos; expectation of tourism growth under CPEC is positively and significantly associated with the occupation of the respondent, availability of rooms, tourist will come due to Hazara CPEC motorway, increase in tourism under CPEC, tourism growth, and tourism and hospitality infrastructure is enough to meet the tourist demand. The study concludes that in the future, the demand of tourism will progress under the CPEC,the specially Hazara motorway will play its part in lifting local tourism.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>School of Public Policy, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of Econometrics and Statistics, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of Business Studies, Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/evaluating-the-impact-of-hazara-motorway-on-tourism-growth-under-the-chinapakistan-economic-corridor-in-hazara-region-khyber-pakhtunkhwa-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392480</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Globalization of Prosecutorial Justice: An Appraisal..</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ramzan Kasuri</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ata Ullah Khan Mahmood</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sheer Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Public Prosecution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Criminal Justice System</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public Prosecutor</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Plea-Bargaining</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Prosecutorial Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the present world, public prosecutors (PPs) have become the most powerful actors in the criminal justice system (CJS). They excise unfettered discretionary powers, particularly &apos;decision to or not to prosecute,&apos; &apos;add or delete the charges,&apos; &apos;withhold or drop the prosecution,&apos; &apos;withdraw the prosecution,&apos; &apos;plea-bargaining with accused,&apos;&apos;tender of pardon to the accomplice&apos; and &apos;suggest the sentence for the convict.&apos; By this way, the world is moving towards pro secutorial justice. It is a point of departure from judicial decision-making to pro secutorial decision-making. So, the theory of division of labor should be developed for standardizing decision-making power. With the help of comparative and qualitative research methodology, this research aims to examine the public prosecution of different legal systems; adversarial or inquisitorial, among the eastern and western countries. This article discusses comparatively the pro-active role of the PPs in the CJSs of Japan, the USA, China, the U.K,France, and Pakistan. Comparative study of public prosecution of different legal systems can enable us to revamp our system in the right direction for making it efficient, expeditious, and cost-effective.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant District Public Prosecutor, Anti-Terrorism Court Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Scholar of International Space Law, University of Sharjah, UAE.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/globalization-of-prosecutorial-justice-an-appraisal</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392481</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Assessment of Judicial Activism to Empower the People: A Case of Pakistan (2007-2013)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ikramullah Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shafiq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Judicial Activism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Empowerment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Suo Motu</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PIL</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Chief Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The year 2007 was proved as an eventful for the judiciary of Pakistan because Iftikhar Chaudhry, Chief Justice of Pakistan, started to assert the power of the judiciary. He vehemently tried to make the judiciary only and the real institution of enforcing the law for the liberty of the people. However, under tremendous pubic pressure and lawyers&apos; movement, Musharraf had to reinstate the Chief Justice. Now Iftikhar Chaudhry resumed the halted task of taking suo motu actions to provide relief to the public. Against this backdrop, the study traces the causes behind judicial activism in Pakistan and its impact on the liberty of people. The performance of the judiciary in the form of Public Interest Litigation (PIL) to empower the masses is discussed. The study also focuses on the important cases handled by the apex court in the manners that gave the impression of judicial martial law. It is an analytical study where important cases are analyzed to show the power and strength of the judiciary in Pakistan. The research concludes that there is a need for judicial restraint so that the democratic principle of separation of power should be maintained.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur (IUB), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of History, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur (IUB), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/an-assessment-of-judicial-activism-to-empower-the-people-a-case-of-pakistan-20072013</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392482</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistani Print Media as Political Propaganda Tool: A Study of Panama Issue</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Irem Sultana</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rao Shahid Mahmood</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hamid Yaseen Ahmed</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>News Coverage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Reportage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Editorials</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Panama Issue</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Game-Changer</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alteration in Facts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dailies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Psychological Warfare</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Arena</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Meandering Policies</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research study examined the scenario of media as propaganda tool keeping in view the news reportage of the Panama issue as well as editorial coverage in Urdu print media. The study investigated the situation of whether the Urdu print media remained unbiased during reportage and editorial coverage of the big corruption scandal or it was used as a propaganda tool for the psychological warfare of the political arena. The paper assessed the position of factual and non-factual reportage and framed news reportage on the country&apos;s game-changer phenomenon. The study might be helpful to understand the scenario of news reportage on big corruption issues in the Urdu Print world of Pakistan. The results presented the outlines behind the framed news coverage, the picture of alteration into non-factual news, ignoring the facts and figures, and just focusing on the statements. The study also presented the view of meandering policies between reportage and editorials. It also indicated the changing policy regarding news reportage in terms of editorials and exposed the view of smearing position regarding ethical lees of news coverage. The study was the outcome of content analysis of Pakistani Urdu Dailies (three newspapers, Daily Jang, Daily Express, and Daily Dunya, were chosen as sample) to study the phenomenon, and in-depth interviews of senior communication experts were done to understand the scenario deeply.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of History, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistani-print-media-as-political-propaganda-tool-a-study-of-panama-issue</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392483</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Role of Islamic Ideology in Iran-Pakistan Relations from 1947 to 1979</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Qadir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mirwais Kasi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Ideology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iran</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>leadership</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Revolution</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Ideology is an important determinant in foreign policy.However, it has its implications. Pahlavi Shah&apos;s Westernization policies and their dissociation with Islamic ideology were the main features of their rule. The early leadership of Pakistan and Iran(Muhammad Reza Shah) were secular in outlook, paid little attention to ideology and had shared interests. While in Pakistan, the religious identity and its liberal national identity are still debated, and Pakistan has to reconcile between the two competing points of view. The Islamic revolution was unique in character as the earlier resolutions in the world were predominantly secular, while in Iran, it had religious trappings. The intellectuals in Iran like Jalal Al-Ahmed, Shariati, and all shades of parties played a significant role in inciting the people for the revolution. In South Asia, Allama Iqbal, Jamal ud-din Afghani, and Maulana Maududi influenced the people for Pan-Islamism and a utopian Islamic society. The after math of the Iranian revolution were grim, and people at the helm of affairs at the time of Shah were either executed or left the country for good. The relations between Zia ul-Haq and Khomeini, two proponents of Islamic ideology, were not good. Zia combined the elements of Islamism with pragmatism, while Khomeini was more radical and committed to its ideology.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, University of Balochistan, Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-role-of-islamic-ideology-in-iranpakistan-relations-from-1947-to-1979</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392484</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>E-governance Reforms in Education and Police Departments in District Mardan (2013-2017)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Safia Bahadur</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shaukat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fakhr ul Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>E-governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Information Communication Technologies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>E-Participation Index</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electronic Government Development Index</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Independent Monitoring Unit</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the modern era yet restoration of sound governance is required in developing states, especially in less developed areas of particular state just like developed states. Globalization and information revolution have been blended to set the path for ICT initiated efforts in sure public troubles, which includes social offerings. The electronic approach is deployed in the mutual interplay of government and residents and businesses, in addition to the inner functioning of government offices.This research paper is divided broadly into three parts Part first deals with the general literature pertaining to the overall concepts and movement of e-governance and its practice over the entire globe and also elaborates implementation process of ICTs in developing states with special reference to Pakistan in South Asia. Part second deals with e-governance initiatives in the education department by the government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa .And part third deals with the e-governance initiative in the police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar and Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/egovernance-reforms-in-education-and-police-departments-in-district-mardan-20132017</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392485</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The portrayal of Political Violence in Harris Khalique&apos;s No Fortunes to Tell</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maliha Sarfraz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fauzia Amin</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ammara Akram</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political Violence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terror</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New Historicism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Resonance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extremism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Non-state Actors</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper studies political violence and the acts of terror in the Pakistani society as presented in Harris Khalique’s No Fortunes to Tell. Khalique resists religious extremism, violence and terrorist attacks and focuses on the socio-political crisis in Pakistan. Greenblatt&apos;s philosophy of new historic-ism and his concepts of resonance and wonder are the guiding threads for the study of the selected text. Following the new historicists&apos; concept that a literary text is the product of time, place and circumstances, and social constructions shape the artistic representations which have power to alter and resist them as well. This study explores violence and terrorist attacks, particularly in Waziristan,Swat and other parts of Pakistan during the previous two decades and highlights Khalique’s portrayal of the violation of basic human rights by the Talibans’ use of force on the one hand and the conflicts between state and non-state actors on the other</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Government Graduate College Women Sahiwal, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of English, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Riphah International University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-portrayal-of-political-violence-in-harris-khaliques-no-fortunes-to-tell</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392486</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Emergence of the Historiography in Kashmir: An Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amar Jahangir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anbrin Khawaja</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shabnam Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Emergence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Historiography</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Historians</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kashmir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>12th Century</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Historiography is the study of methodologies, strategies, and approaches to the development of history as a subject in the academic field by historians. This study provides an initial calculation of the formation and early phases of the historiography in the 12th century in the region of Kashmir. To do so, focus on the earliest writing on the subject of oral history of Kashmir, as well as the first person who participated in the process of history-writing in Kashmir. First, the subject was studied by introducing it to the world, and especially in Kashmir, through the entry of foreign historians, reviewing the contribution of some of the earliest authors and most important personalities in historiography in the 12th century in the region of Kashmir. Primary and secondary data are used to explore the facts.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Junior Lecturer/Research Associate, Institute of Kashmir Studies, University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir Muzaffarabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Kashmir Studies, University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir Muzaffarabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Associate/ Junior Lecturer, Institute of Kashmir Studies, University of Azad Jammu and Kashmir Muzaffarabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-emergence-of-the-historiography-in-kashmir-an-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392487</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Impact of External Support on Insurgency</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Alamgir Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Insurgency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Counterinsurgency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Drones</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>External Support</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Escalation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Insurgency is an organized struggle to overthrow an existing government. External support has played an important role in the success and failure of insurgencies. Insurgencies externally supported both militarily and financially lasted long and succeeded. In contrast, many insurgencies failed, lacking external support. The existing literature has discussed how external support contributes to the success and failure of insurgencies. This study, however, discusses the external support to counter insurgents, not insurgents and its impact on insurgency in the tribal areas of Pakistan. The article explains that after Pakistan became an ally of the US in the war against terror, it allowed the CIA to undertake targeted operations against Al-Qaeda and the Taliban. After their distrust increased,the US started its drone campaign to target the militants. The drone campaign helped the militants to exploit the innocent killed by drones and attracted more support and recruited more youth against the government.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Swabi, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-impact-of-external-support-on-insurgency</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392488</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Culture of Elitism as Barrier to Distributive Justice and Inclusive De..</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rafida Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Hussain Murtaza</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Participation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Elite Rule</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The research aims to examine the democratic ideals of participatory, inclusive democracy with &quot;strong public&quot; and clear means of interest articulation, in contrast to transitional, &quot;delegative democracy,&quot; with local and national dynasties and the marginalized public.Employing the concept given by John Dewy, Jurgen Habermas, Nancy Fraser, Samuel P. Huntington, Takis Fotopoulos, the study is analytical and evaluative in nature, measuring the gap between theory and practice. The prime area of concern is Pakistan, and the study is meant to answer &quot;why&quot;questions about the pendulum movement from authoritarian military rule and democratic dispensations; and the inability of the delegated transitional democracy of Pakistan to transform into a consolidated democratic system. The supposition of the study is that though democratic norms and awareness of people&apos;s interests are present even in the far-off peripheral regions of Pakistan yet in the presence of strong local dynasties with local hegemonic designs, Pakistan remains a transitional democracy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Chairman, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-culture-of-elitism-as-barrier-to-distributive-justice-and-inclusive-democracy-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392489</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Life Imprisonment without Parole in China: Substituting Death for Economic Crime..</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hafiz Abdul Rehman Saleem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imtiaz Ahmad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hamid Mukhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Death Penalty</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>LWOP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strike Hard</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Corruption</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balance Leniency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>and Severity</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Life imprisonment without parole and commutation (LWOP) came under Ninth Amendment to the 1997 Criminal Law of Peoples Republic of China as a proviso to the suspended death penalty for corruption crimes. The legislative intent given for the arrival of new punishment depicts LWOP as a solution for the disparity in a suspended death sentence, controlling judicial discretion and proportional punishment for corruption which is debated as not an exhaustive and compelling justification. The manuscript addresses a substantive question; if LWOP is suitable for the criminal justice system in China? And is answered under three normative claims, namely necessity, effectiveness, and humanness.The examination of the topic contends LWOP is more of an effective tool in broader anti-corruption strategy than a need for domestic utilization.LWOP in China gives no hope of release and stands inconsistent with Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor of Law, University of Sahiwal, Sahiwal, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor of Law, University of Sahiwal, Sahiwal, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor of Law, University of Okara, Okara, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/life-imprisonment-without-parole-in-china-substituting-death-for-economic-crimes</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392490</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Buffered Border Corridor: The Geo-Political and Strategic Significance of the Wa..</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shakeel Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Munib Ahmed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Wakhan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Corridor</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Political</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Importance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The geo-political importance of the Wakhan corridor and its potential has been understood by many writers in different ways. It has its magnificence of its geographical location and a means of communication as well as a highway for trade. During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, the Wakhan corridor remained a strategic post for its forces and had a pivotal position in the global conflict of the two superpowers in the early 1980&apos;s. It has strategic roads towards Afghanistan, Tajikistan,Sinkiang of China, and the northern belt of Pakistan. Pakistan as well as China both has larger geo-political and geo strategic interests in this region;along with the U.S. strategic clash with China, it seems that the Wakhan Corridor would serve as a testing ground for major land warfare in the coming years. This paper attempts to analyze the geopolitical and strategic significance of the Wakhan Corridor.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Centre for Policy Studies, COMSATS University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Chinese Language and Literature, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/buffered-border-corridor-the-geopolitical-and-strategic-significance-of-the-wakhan-corridor</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392491</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Terrorism and Politico-Cultural Deviant Behavior: A Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Secular and Religious Political Parties</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mubasher Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sanaullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadaf Arbab</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cultural Deviant Behavior</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Election</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Voting Behavior</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Khanism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>TNSM</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Floating Voters</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper assumes a part of scholar&apos;s Ph.D. dissertation on(comparative analysis of the electoral politics of religious and secular political parties both at macro and micro level) and examines the causes of their success and failure in district Charsadda, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. The paper specifically examines Awami National Party (ANP) and Jamiat-e-Ulama Islam Fazalur Rehman (JUI-F) having opposing ideologies. ANP leaders and workers suffered when faced with an unrestricted socially revolutionary message from the Taliban as the Taliban could only appeal to Pakhtun nationalists&apos; aspirations against the disgust of US presence in Afghanistan. Being part of the government ANP hindered Taliban confrontation against US forces which seemed a start of civil war between Pakhtun nationalists and Pakhtun Taliban. A qualitative research method was used, and data were collected through participant observation, in-depth interviews, and focus group discussions. This paper suggests that terrorism had significant impacts on the rise and fall of ANP and JUI-F in the electoral politics of Pakistan. Furthermore, this study finds that on the grass-root level, deviant cultural behavior of both the parties&apos; leaders and workers affected the vote bank badly, causing the emergence of new political thinking in the area under study.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Independent Researcher</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Social Anthropology, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/terrorism-and-politicocultural-deviant-behavior-a-case-study-of-the-rise-and-fall-of-secular-and-religious-political-parties</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392492</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of Lambardar in the Malia Collection Process and Its Procedure in District Mandibahauddin</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Awais</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shagufta Hamid Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Lambardar</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Malia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Chokidar</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>tax</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Status</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The research is titled &apos;The role of Lambardar in the Malia collection process and its procedure in district Mandi Bahauddin. The study had seen how beneficial can be the role of Lambardar in the Malia collection process and how much Lambardar as a stakeholder is important in this process. Interviews of almost every stakeholder of this Malia collection process were taken such as local landowners of villages of Mandi Bahauddin, Chokidar, government officials like Tehsildar and the Lambardars of different villages. It was seen that the tax collection process was well structured and the Lambardar had the key role in this process. Although there were some recommendations like in many villages (other than chaks) had no Chokidar who help the Lambardar in collecting Malia. So it was difficult for big villages to collect Malia on time as there was no subordinate to help them in collecting Malia. It was recommended that Lambardars should have subordinates to collect Malia so that it can be gathered on time and the process should become smoother.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M. Phill Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Pir Mehr Ali Shah, Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Pir Mehr Ali Shah, Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Anthropology, Pir Mehr Ali Shah, Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-lambardar-in-the-malia-collection-process-and-its-procedure-in-district-mandibahauddin</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392493</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Critical Analysis of Coalition Politics in Pakistan A Case Study of PPP-led Coalition 2008-2013</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Touqeer Akhter Nasir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Khan Faqir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Coalition Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alliance Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PPP-led Coalition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ruling Alliances</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics of Pakistan 2008-2013</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>18th Amendment Bill</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics of Reconciliation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Coalition politics have played a unique role in the modern system of governance. It played a vital role in politics for bringing the smaller political parties closer by reducing the chances of serious conflicts. Coalitions can be governmental, which are formed after elections, and coalitions also can be formed before elections. Like most of the Third World countries, Pakistan is an emerging democratic state with a multi-party setup. Present research work tried to analyze different aspects of coalition politics since the creation of Pakistan; however, the scope of this research was restricted to the era from 2008 to 2013. The study has included the concept of coalitions, the formation of coalitions,their governance, terminations, and their implications on the politics of Pakistan. In order to get pinpoint the performance of the coalition during2008-2013, primary sources, including official documents, statements,and interviews, and secondary sources like books, journals, newspapers,and websites have been consulted. Basically, it is qualitative research, but sometimes quantitative material is also utilized. To complete the research,historical, descriptive, and experimental methods were used. The study revealed that how coalition politics has become a backbone of democracy in Pakistan, where many parties were getting representation in the legislative assembly. Here, the successful tenure of the PPP-led coalition gave new hope to the political stakeholders to work together for sustainable democracy in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Pakistan Study Center, University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Pakistan Study Center, University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/a-critical-analysis-of-coalition-politics-in-pakistan-a-case-study-of-pppled-coalition-20082013</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392494</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Anarchism: A Legacy of Postmodernism</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shaukat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fakhr ul Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Hamza</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Postmodernism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Anarchism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Neoconservatives</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Leo Strauss</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nietzsche</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iraq</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Weapons of Mass Destruction</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study has made the implicit links between postmodernism and anarchism explicit in order to uncover the philosophical origins of terrorism in the postmodern society. This study deals with the Anarchists&apos; philosophical background and how Postmodernism fanned it. Anarchists&apos; approach mainly whirls around a single point agenda, and that is, they are against the state or existence of states&apos; borders. I mention again what Researcher has already mentioned,the state and all other international institutions emerged after a rational approach as stated by Hegel. Postmodernism denied that reality in every contour, whether those are institutions or anything else. Anarchism brought this concept into a broader paradigm and started denying the existence of the state. So, both postmodernists and anarchists have denied the reality in their own capacities, but the grounds and arguments are the same.Anarchism paved the way for multiple active terrors based centrifugal movements throughout the world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of Political Science, GC University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/anarchism-a-legacy-of-postmodernism</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392495</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Infusing National Integration in the Fractured Society of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Waseem Ishaque</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mudassir Mukhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rubina Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Fractured Society</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Harmony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Cohesion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Integration</dc:subject>
<dc:description>There is a common proverb that national integration in Pakistan appears in crises only. The nation has responded during calamities in a unified manner. However, when the crisis is dealt with, the internal incongruities resurface. The Pakistani society is divided into fault lines, like, political, ethnic, linguistic, societal, feudal, religious,and provincial etc., which has fractured national integration. This publication is in continuation of my previous articles on the challenges of national integration in Pakistan 2018 and the national security paradigm of Pakistan published in 2019. This article investigates the existing status of the Pakistani State and society and how far we have progressed towards achieving national integration both as the State and society. The article also examines various factors impacting the national integration in Pakistan and suggests a course of action for achieving tolerance and harmony in the society to fulfill the dream of creating a progressive and tolerant society.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>HoD/Associate Professor, Department of Mass Communication, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Research Scholar, CSSS, Department of War Studies, King&apos;s College London.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/infusing-national-integration-in-the-fractured-society-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392496</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Offshore Balancing as Grand Strategy: Hegemonic Control and Sino-US Trade War; Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shakeel Ahmad Siddiqui</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Pasha</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saira Akram</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Trade War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Offshore Balancing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hegemony</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Impact</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper gives a concise outline of US-China trade and merchandise relations, recognizes significant causes, results or issues of the contention, and gives explicit answers for how to decrease the heightening of such a &quot;battle&quot; between the two financial authoritarians.The Research has used economic data from American and Chinese Governments and elaborated it qualitatively employing post-modernist discourse analysis. All in all, our examination will emphasize emphasize the trade battle between the two nations from an Ideological, authentic and monetary viewpoint, and as it were, to comprehend its causes results and give explicit answers for such a &quot;war&quot;, set in this specific circumstance. The point of this paper is to assess the long time outcomes of the worldwide trade and economic war and its effect on the financial improvement of Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Chairman, Department of International Relations, Emerson University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/offshore-balancing-as-grand-strategy-hegemonic-control-and-sinous-trade-war-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392497</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Role of Civil Society Organizations and Political Participation of Youth in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mumtaz Jahan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Civil Society</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Participation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Youth</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The focus of this study is to analyses the role of civil society in promoting youth participation in the political process. The methodology of the study includes a review of the existing stock of literature on youth participation in politics and the role of CSOs in the promotion of youth participation in politics, followed by collecting and analyzing primary data from 200 Islamabad based university students aged 18-29, and interview from 10 members of CSOs working in Pakistan. CSOs lack financial independence and sustainability, their dependency on government rules, regulations, CSOs engaged in by arranging workshops,seminars, social gatherings, public speeches, and publish reports on it. The study concludes that CSOs play a limited role in promoting and enhancing youth political participation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Shifa College of Nursing, Shifa Tameer-e-Milat University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-role-of-civil-society-organizations-and-political-participation-of-youth-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392498</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Identity Crises and Politics of Ethnicity: A Case Study of Hazara Nationalist Movement in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Azhar Mehmood Abbasi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kanwal Noreen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Hazara</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Province</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Khyber Pakhtunkhwa</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnicity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnic Nationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Pakistani Federation has vested more autonomy to the provinces through the 18th constitutional amendment. This autonomy has evidenced impetus for the continuing demands of sub-national sets and provincial minorities for the creation of new provinces in Pakistan. The identity crisis and politics of ethnicity have been reawakened after the 18th constitutional amendment. The Hazarawal (variousethnolinguistic groups inhabited in Hazara) of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province have been striving for a separate province since the 1950s, andthe voice for separate identity re-emerged as a full-fledged movement after the 18th amendment. This analytical study proposes that the movement seems quite fruitful in attaining some of its essential objectives.Nevertheless, the movement is still far away from achieving its prime and chief political terminus, i.e., the creation of a separate Hazara province.In this context, this paper tries to explore the identity crisis and politics of ethnicity in the Hazara region. The paper contends that without adopting some more effective and substantial measures, the movement could not attain its goalmouth in the near future. However, a more flexible, inclusive and accommodate approach would boost the chance of its ultimate success.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies and History, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies and History, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies and History, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/identity-crises-and-politics-of-ethnicity-a-case-study-of-hazara-nationalist-movement-in-khyber-pakhtunkhwa</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-IV).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392499</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pak-Turk Strategic Framework and Geo-Economic Relations in post 9/11 Era: A way Forward for Strong Partnership</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saira Akram</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran Pasha</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shakeel Ahmad Siddiqui</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Turkey</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Political</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Economic Strategies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Framework</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Because of deep cultural, spiritual, and trade relationships,Pakistan and Turkey have had powerful connections since Pakistan&apos;s independence. The Two brother countries have already been collaborating to strengthen their trade cooperation in order to ensure an effective presence in the world market, as well as to establish different opportunities for each other to boost one&apos;s national economies. The two nations have a deep relationship for stronger economic and social development in sectors such as energy, trade, textile products, as well as a variety of other areas of the economy. The purpose of this study is to evaluate the economic and Political relationship between Turkey and Pakistan,particularly in terms of new opportunities. The study has employed hermeneutics methodology and tried to interpret data and information using discourse analysis. Mostly, the data has been obtained from the official sources of Pakistan and Turkey and focused on Pakistan&apos;s paradigm shift from Geopolitical to Geo-Economic strategies. The strong financial collaboration between both the Pakistani and Turkish governments has been discovered to be primarily embodied in the Pak-Turk strategic economic framework. According to the findings, Pakistan should take precautions to ensure that all concerns are fixed in the PTSEF after already being confined to many anti-dumping charges brought by Turkey.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Chairman, Department of International Relations, Emerson University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakturk-strategic-framework-and-geoeconomic-relations-in-post-911-era-a-way-forward-for-strong-partnership</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-IV).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392500</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Women&apos;s Participation in Pakistan&apos;s National Assembly Elections: A Historical Review (1970-1997)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sher Muhammad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Quratull ain Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Waris</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Participation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender and Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Female leaders</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>and Political Affairs</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article aims to discuss women&apos;s political participation in the context of the country&apos;s electoral history. Additionally, it discusses barriers that have had an unembellished consequence on women&apos;s participation in the elections in the past. Women&apos;s representation in legislatures remained low, which led to the absence of their voices in the political affairs of the country. Gender and politics study in Pakistan has centered on the participation and representation of women in legislatures since 2002. It is critical to analyze women&apos;s participation in elections prior to 2002 to comprehend the contribution made by those female politicians who took part in elections under unusual circumstances. The people of Pakistan have elected a female prime minister twice prior to 2002.Because of the efforts of those women legislators, Pakistan currently has a better level of female representation in both the national and provincial legislatures, respectively.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>DAAD Postdoctoral Fellow, The Center for Transdisciplinary Gender Studies (ZtG), University of Humboldt Berlin, Germany</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Government and Public Policy, National Defence University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of History, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/womens-participation-in-pakistans-national-assembly-elections-a-historical-review-19701997</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392501</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Economic Strategies of Pakistan Muslim League (N): An Analysis 2013-18</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hamid Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Usman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nawaz Shahzad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Economic Strategies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Muslim League</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PML-N</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nawaz Sharif</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The PML-N&apos;s (2013) Government witnessed a rapid change in the economy as several economic strategies were implanted in different ways. The study will focus on monetary policy, public debts, and loan records taken either locally or internationally. Some works enriched the position of the economy by making loans to some extent, but loans played a weak role in the economy of Pakistan generally. Qualitative and Quantitative research has been conducted to examine the circumstances and to draw a rational conclusion. The study observes that the living standard of people has grown well, but due to the vague strategy of the government, it faced problems in the true sense of economic growth. Taxes were imposed to meet the impositions of the IMF. This study recommends that government should reserve a special budget to meet their loan installments.Persons having taxable income should be brought to the tax circle.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of History, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of History, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/economic-strategies-of-pakistan-muslim-league-n-an-analysis-201318</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392502</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>News Discourse on CPEC and Challenges for Civil-Military Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amna Zulfiqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noor Ul Ain Nasir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maria Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CPEC (China- Pakistan Economic Corridor)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civil-Military Relations (CMR)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>COAS (Chief of the Army Staff)</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a multi billion-dollar infrastructure investment project, is heralded as a game-changer for sustainable development and democratic consolidation in Pakistan. However, the implementation of such a mega project came with a lot of challenges. Among all, the major challenges were balanced civil-military relations, peace, and revised policy with Afghanistan. The objective of the current paper is to examine the coverage of CPEC in the news stories of two English newspapers of Pakistan i.e., Dawn and The News, in the context of civil-military relations. The study incorporated a method of discourse analysis for examining style, slant, themes, and discourses. Results revealed that both the newspapers remained positive in their slants.Moreover, both newspapers appreciated the efforts of COAS not only for protecting mega project but also for bringing peace to the region. Both newspapers also appreciated that the civilian government and military were on the same page for over coming security challenges effectively.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Visiting Lecturer, Department of Media and Communication Studies, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/news-discourse-on-cpec-and-challenges-for-civilmilitary-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392503</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Structure of Governance, Rise of Taliban Militancy and Human Displacement. A Study of Patterns of Conflict induced Human Migration in District Swat (2008-09)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sanaullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Yunas Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mubasher Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Displacement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Swat</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governance Crisis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper explores the nexus between governance crisis,militancy and how people resort to different migration patterns in order to cope with the unwanted situation. It suggests that the transition from one system of governance to another was not only incomplete but full of confusion and lacunas. This resulted in people&apos;s reduced trust in the state institutions. As the vacuum was created,non-state forces in the shape of the Taliban emerged who smoothly established control over the entire region, and people welcomed such a change in the hope of a better governance alternative. However, as the situation worsened and law and order deteriorated, the Pakistan army launched a full scale military operation. People were forced to migrate to safer places, preferably to the nearby districts where they took refuge temporarily. Once normalcy returned and miscreants were eliminated, people immediately returned to their places of origin.It is found that very few families opted to settle in the camps while the majority of the people stayed with their relatives and friends and those financially well off took houses for rent to live.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-structure-of-governance-rise-of-taliban-militancy-and-human-displacement-a-study-of-patterns-of-conflict-induced-human-migration-in-district-swat-2</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392504</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Traditional Water Fetching Practices, Water Usage, and Scarcity</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aleena</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aneela Sultana</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Experiences</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Maternal child health</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Perceptions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Psychological stress</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Water fetching</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Water Scarcity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Water stress.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study analyzes the traditional water fetching practices,water usage, and scarcity in the Village Kumar Bandi Muzaffarabad.Overall, 93 respondents of the local community of Kumar Bandi were approached. Data has been collected through an interview guide by convenient and purposive sampling. A descriptive model of data collection has been used for acquiring the information. The study draws essential attention to the most critical factor: the abnormal impacts of water fetching on different aspects of water fetching an individual&apos;s life, the most important of which is health. The issue of water scarcity has caused damage to religious and traditional local practices besides the danger of whether the water utilized is recommended for use or not. Along with women&apos;s health and the educational development of children, Water fetching has adverse effects on people&apos;s social, religious, economic, kinship, and cultural life of people.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Anthropology, Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/traditional-water-fetching-practices-water-usage-and-scarcity</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392505</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Reviewing Power Politics and Populism in IK&apos;s Pakistan: A Personal History</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tazanfal Tehseem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saba Zulfiqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rabia Faiz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Power Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Imran Khan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper aims to explore the structural ways employed by a Pakistani politician to convince the readers of his socio-political stance on Pakistan from its independence to the present age. For this purpose, the generic analysis (Martin, 2008) has been employed which in turn explains how a narrator is successful in the construction of an argument and realigning the reader with his own point of view. The broader methodology includes how the narrator inter personally interacts with the readership, ideationally shares references and textually builds his arguments in the text. The microscopic construal of those meta functions has been supported by Systemic Functional Linguistics (Halliday and Matthiessen, 2014), whereas, the genre has a particular configuration of those listed meta functions. Therefore,the data for the present study builds on the selected texts from &apos;Imran Khan Pakistan: A personal history by Imran Khan. The findings show that by standing on power, the narrator aligns the readers through negotiation and constructs his argument by giving references towards the history and his own experiences.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, University of Lahore, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/reviewing-power-politics-and-populism-in-iks-pakistan-a-personal-history</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392506</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Evolving Concept of Federalism in Pakistan: Cooperative Federalism</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zahir Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Yunas Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rowaid Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>18th Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mexico</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Canada</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper is an attempt to explore the federal structure (Center-Province Relationship) of Pakistan from a historical perspective and spotlight on how it underwent from a strong centralized federation to a decentralized federal structure after the 18th amendment, which was made in the 1973 constitution during the year 2010. In addition, the focus is made on the controversies on the 18th amendment, although the majority of provinces are of the opposite opinion.The last portion of this piece is devoted to the concept of Cooperative federalism, its evolution and its pros and cons, as is evident in certain countries like USA, Mexico, India and Canada. Can it be a fit model for a polity like Pakistan is a question that invites debate at all levels, especially by political leadership,policymakers, civil society and academia.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor/HOD, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer in Pakistan Studies, Bacha Khan University Charsadda, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/evolving-concept-of-federalism-in-pakistan-cooperative-federalism</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392507</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Language Use against Corona Virus Spread in Pakistan during Covid-19 Pandemic</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ali Siddiqui</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tania Shabir Shaikh</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Inayatuallah Kakepoto</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Language</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politicians</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Corona Virus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pandemic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>COVID-19</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research assessed the Language use of Political Leaders of Pakistan during COVID-19 against the corona virus spread. It further investigated the effect of political leaders&apos; language on common people. Politicians issued numerous political statements regarding the prevention of the CORONA virus spread and these statements got good space in leading National and International English language newspapers. The people of Pakistan wanted to listen to the voice of public representatives on this important issue that badly hit their lives. A qualitative phenomenological research design was used. Data were analyzed through observation. Data collection source was &apos;The DAWN, The Diplomat, Al-Jazeera and The Tribune newspapers. Results were compiled, generating themes.Six themes developed from narratives regarding the prevention of the COVID virus disease. Results suggest that political leaders of Pakistan should follow the &apos;one vision</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto University, Sanghar Campus, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Ziauddin University, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of English, Quaid-e-Azam University, of Engineering, Science and Technology, Nawabshah, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-language-use-against-corona-virus-spread-in-pakistan-during-covid19-pandemic</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392508</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Repugnancy to Islamic Injunctions: Analysis and Legitimacy of National Accountability Ordinance 1999</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aamir Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Atika Lohani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Samza Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>National Accountability Ordinance 1999</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islamic Injunctions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Law Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Right of Fair Trial</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article encompasses an analysis of provisions of NAB 1999 on the touchstone of their conformity with the injunctions of the Quran and Sunnah. The argument advanced in this respect is based on Article 203(d) of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan, under which FSC is vested with the power of examining and deciding questions of law tainted to be contrary to the injunctions of the Quran and Sunnah. Arguments made in this paper challenge Section 9(a)(iv) and Section 14(c) and (d) which are not in consonance with the injunctions of Islam, as appeared in the Quran and Sunnah. Pakistan&apos;s Islamic identity necessitates such questions pertaining to un-Islamic provisions in the laws of Pakistan always yielded debates and different opinions of scholars. Analysis of the NAB ordinance and its provisions discussed in the paper, which does not conform to the injunctions of Islam would inform and invoke legislators to reform legislation in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, College of Law, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, College of Law, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Law, Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/repugnancy-to-islamic-injunctions-analysis-and-legitimacy-of-national-accountability-ordinance-1999</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392509</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Women Political Activism and Public Spaces in Pashtun Society in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Salma Rahim</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Public Spaces</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Activism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pashtun Society</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Resources</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In this research article I comprehend that how women in Pashtun society, even with limited entree to civic places, manage to join and contribute in numerous political undertakings, and how their role adds to growing communal and political spaces for women. For my research work I interviewed politically active women of Swabi from lower and middle class. I used the method of convenience sampling. Gulalai Ismail (a women right activist from Swabi) facilitated me in conducting interviews. According to those women, it is reflected indecent in Pashtun society for women to be outside their homes in public. Due to less or no public spaces for women in Pashtun society women have limited involvement in political activities, economic happenings and structure of the society. The uneasy access of women outside their homes in Pashtun society restrict their access to economic activities as well. The purpose of this research article is to know the struggle of women from economically middle and lower class in Pashtun society.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/women-political-activism-and-public-spaces-in-pashtun-society-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392531</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Women&apos;s Activism and Pakistani State Policies: A Comparison of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif Governments (1988-1999)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sher Muhammad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sajida Feroze</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sidra Mubashar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Women&apos;s Activism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Structure and Historical Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The purpose of this article is to trace the history of women&apos;s activism in Pakistan, as well as the policies of the Pakistan People&apos;s Party and Pakistan Muslim League (N) Governments (1988-1999). This period after the revival of democracy following the military government is significant in understanding women&apos;s activism as well as the policies of two prime ministers with diametrically opposed ideological orientations. Explaining this movement&apos;s various expressions is necessary to comprehend its various phases. This study will help to identify the significance of specific historical circumstances, power structures, and national and international policy dynamics in shaping the women&apos;s rights movement in Pakistan. This study critically examines women&apos;s rights activism during the four terms of democratically elected prime ministers and how they responded to women&apos;s rights aspirations for equal status for women in society. This historical analysis is necessary to determine whether contemporary activism is a continuation of the past or distinct in terms of goals and modalities.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>DAAD Postdoctoral Fellow, The Center for Transdisciplinary Gender Studies (ZtG), University of Humboldt Berlin Germany.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer Political Science, Government Associate College for Women Phularwan, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/womens-activism-and-pakistani-state-policies-a-comparison-of-benazir-bhutto-and-nawaz-sharif-governments-19881999</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392532</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Resistance on Social Media: An Evaluation of Figurative Language</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hafiz Syed Muhammad Yasir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Arshad Ali Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Amina Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Resistance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Figurative Language</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The use of resistance against &apos;power&apos; is prevalent in the politics on social media, which is practised in different forms like pictures, and comments showing anger or hate. So, this study highlights the linguistic specifications of language&apos;s use in political resistance on social media by underlining figurative language. The study follows the theoretical base of Foucault&apos;s studies (1977) and(1982) by pinning the concept of &apos;resistance&apos;. For this purpose,Facebook&apos;s public group named as PTI TIGERS was selected(because of the high number of group members) to take the data.Data was narrowed down to the specific content. Through the use of figurative speech, different focused aspects and intentions of political resistance show the semantic complexity of using resistance-based figurative expressions by the public.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Department of Linguistics and Communications, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of Linguistics and Communications, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of Linguistics and Communications, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-resistance-on-social-media-an-evaluation-of-figurative-language</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392919</identifier>
<datestamp>2017-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Insanity As A Legal Defense From A Historical Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Siraj Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noman Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Naghma Farid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Insanity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Crime</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Punishment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Conduct</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legal Defence</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Crime and punishment go hand in hand. A crime is human conduct, prohibited by law, which harms the community at large and is, therefore, taken more seriously than a civil wrong that affects an individual or a particular group of individuals. Itis for some reason that, unlike a civil wrong, in the case of crime, thestate moves by itself against the wrongdoer and decides whether to prosecute him or not. The &apos;physical force&apos; of the state or the &apos;sanction behind the law&apos; is more obvious in the form of punishment when criminal law is violated or breached.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2017-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/insanity-as-a-legal-defense-from-a-historical-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2017(II-I).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 2, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392920</identifier>
<datestamp>2018-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Insanity as a Legal Defense with Special Reference to the Law in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Naghma Farid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Siraj Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noman Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Criminal Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legal Insanity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Responsibility</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Criminology</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Much Crime is the combination of two elements namely the &apos;actusreas&apos; and &apos;mensrea&apos; is considered to have been committed when both these elements exist and are proven against the accused. Of these elements, &apos;mensrea&apos; is the guilty state of mind with which a crime is committed. Hence, the law, under circumstances the mental capacity of a person is impaired due to some disease, allows legal defences for persons suffering from such mental conditions. Pakistan Penal Code, 1860 provides for a general defence of insanity to a person who, due to unsoundness of mind, cannot understand what he is doing or differentiate between right</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2018-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/insanity-as-a-legal-defense-with-special-reference-to-the-law-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2018(III-II).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 3, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392921</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-01-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Appraisal of the Transgender (Protection of Rights) Act, 2018 in the Light of  Islamic Law</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Siraj Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Raza Ullah Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Naghma Farid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>The Transgender (Protection of Rights) Act 2018</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rights of the Transgender</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender  Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mukhanas</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In Pakistan, a bill was passed in 2018 under the pretext of safeguarding the rights of transgender persons. Since its enactment, it stirred controversy and remains a subject of debate to this day in terms of its corresponding consistency with Shariah (Islamic Law). However, dueto a lack of proper understanding, the confusion is not just limited to ordinary citizens but is widespread among highly educated citizens as well. The Constitution of 1973 declares that the state religion shall be Islam and holds that no law contrary to the injunctions of the Holy Quran and Sunnah shall be made.It is in this context that this article examines the controversial law making a comparison with the corresponding rules of Islamic Law over the subject and suggests that the legislature shall, after seeking proper assistance, revisit and amend it to bring it in conformity with the Shariah Law.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Department of Management Sciences, Qurtuba University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-01-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/an-appraisal-of-the-transgender-protection-of-rights-act-2018-in-the-light-of-islamic-law</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-IV).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392922</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Analysis of Proscribe Organizations and Preventive Detention in Anti Terrorism Act 1997</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Naila Rafique</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sarfaraz Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Alam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Organization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Proscribed</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Money Laundering</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Confiscate</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Assets</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Freez</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Evidentiary</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Counter Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>There are certain organizations and individual, which involved in terrorist activities. The 2001 Anti- Terrorism amendment section 11-A that gives criteria to take certain measures against proscribed organization and individual. There is also restriction put on the office bearer carrying activities of terrorism or they involve with proscribe organization. To counter-terrorism activities, there is Anti-Terrorism law that dismantles the funding of terrorism. So in this response, AML/CFT plays a global standard role to stop the funding of terrorism. Pakistan has taken several steps to improve Money Laundering Law and confiscate, freeze assets of terrorists (Shaheena, N. 2006). But there is a defect it doesn’t show an act, which constitutes terrorism. And also it doesn’t show evidentiary criteria to declare organization is proscribed. There are several measures taken against proscribed origination in Section11-E of this act. The main purpose of this to limit the activities of these proscribed organizations and stops th funding.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Law, Women University Swabi, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Centre for Caucasian Asian, Chinese and Pakistan Studies, University of Swat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of Political Science, University of Buner, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/analysis-of-proscribe-organizations-and-preventive-detention-in-anti-terrorism-act-1997</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-II).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392923</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Role of the Supreme Court of Pakistan and Constitutional Parameters of  Judicial Activism</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Azmat Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Siraj Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Naghma Farid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Judicial Activism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitutionalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>The Supremacy of the Judiciary</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Article 184(3) has been utilized in the cases of judicial activism. Since the 1980s it has been utilized quite enormously. Constitution has demarcated the powers of each organ, for better democracy a strong judiciary is imminent. Since the Lawyer movement things have drastically changed. The Chief justice&apos;s role is quite peculiar in the federal judiciary of Pakistan. Iftikar Muhammad Chaudhry and Justice Mian Saqib Nisar played a great role in the implementation of article 184(3) of the constitution. A number of important cases have been decided. It has enhanced the people&apos;s confidence in the Supreme Court of Pakistan while in the Post Saqib Nisar scenario; almost all of the chief justices adopted the policy of judicial restraint.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Department of Political Science, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan Law College, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-role-of-the-supreme-court-of-pakistan-and-constitutional-parameters-of-judicial-activism</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-III).20</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392924</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Right to Information, Media Ethics and Journalism: A Case Study of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ambreen Abbasi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Right to Information</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Independence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Journalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Code of Ethics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The independence of media signifies an open society based on democratic traditions rather than the dictates of one person. The press can only perform its duty if it is free and independent in its functions, like reporting its news and views. But like other freedoms, it should not be used as an unbridled weapon. It should be subjected to some limitations pro to the integrity of the state and welfare of the people. The media should respect the right of people involved in the news dissemination, follow the common standards of decency and be accountable for the accuracy of their news reports. Media is a double-edged sword. Media must be regulated through a well-thought-out legal regime which should shy away from clear censorship yet put a confine on the behavior of media entities through a code of ethics, good business practices and improvement in the law of Torts, specifically damages.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor of Law, Faculty of Shariah and Law, IIU, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/right-to-information-media-ethics-and-journalism-a-case-study-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392925</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Empirical Analysis of the Role of Media in Government Accountability in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ahsan Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Azmat Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Conventional Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Government Accountability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article is aimed to empirically investigate the role of media on governmental accountability in Pakistan. The article employs positivism and quantitative methodology. A survey approach has been adopted to collect primary data from relevant stakeholders in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. This article intends to find the media&apos;s role in fostering government accountability. Furthermore, the mediating role of political parties was also checked through mediation analysis. Primary data analysis reveals that there is a considerable association between media and government accountability. This article concluded that the media revolution has a significant effect on governmental accountability.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar (Political Science), Qurtuba University, D. I. Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Qurtuba University D. I. Khan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/an-empirical-analysis-of-the-role-of-media-in-government-accountability-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).17</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392926</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Problems Faced by Visitors in Pakistan: A Case Study of Kaghan Valley, Mansehra</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Anas Mahmud Arif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Hameed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adnan Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Tourism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kaghan Valley</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Visitors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Problems</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sustainable Tourism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan is one of the most beautiful countries in the world and has enormous potential to attract a maximum number of visitors who are eager to satisfy their diverse motivations. Kaghan valley being the northern part of the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan, is one of the most beautiful valleys and hill stations in the country. It is an emerging and one of the most significant destinations in the country. Every year millions of visitors visit this valley to enjoy the nature and unique cultural heritage of the area. However, due to unplanned tourism, many problems arise that cause dissatisfaction among the visitors. This paper is an attempt to highlight some of the major problems faced by visitors in the valley and make the relevant stakeholders aware of these issues. This research is the result of authors&apos; field surveys and feedback from the five hundred visitors,collected in the form of questionnaires.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Tourism and Hospitality, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/problems-faced-by-visitors-in-pakistan-a-case-study-of-kaghan-valley-mansehra</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392927</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Analysis of Awami National Party&apos;s Theory and Practice During its Rule in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (2008-2013)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Safi Ullah Khan Marwat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadia Kousar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shafaeen Latif</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Manifesto</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Practice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In Pakistan, the political parties, during their election campaigns, present their manifestoes with a promise to solve the multiple issues and problems of the people. However, after winning elections, either due to hurdles within the existing system or inefficiency and incompetency of political parties, those promises are not fulfilled. Awami National Party, as a political party, also promised many reforms during its election campaign in 2008. It won a considerable number of seats in provincial assembly of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, but, it lacked simple majority to form a government in KP independently. Hence, it made a coalition government in partnership with Pakistan Peoples Party in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Having Ameer Haider Khan Hoti as its own Chief Minister, Awami National Party tried to fulfil its electoral promises practically. An analysis of its ruling tenure in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (2008-2013) reflects that after coming into power, though, it could not fulfil all of its electoral promises but, practically, it remained true to its words in a larger extent.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of History and Pakistan Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS in Pakistan Studies, Department of History and Pakistan Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies at National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University (QAU), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/analysis-of-awami-national-partys-theory-and-practice-during-its-rule-in-khyber-pakhtunkhwa-20082013</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392928</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>US-Taliban Peace process: Post-Withdrawal Scenarios</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Javeria Noor Sawal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anfal Afridi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ruqaiya Bibi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Troops</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NATO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace Process</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Withdrawal</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghanistan encountered a US-led invasion in 2001 in response to the 9/11 attacks and ended the Taliban&apos;s government in Afghanistan. Thousands of US troops were deployed on Afghan territory in the war against terrorism to direct anti-terrorism operations in Afghanistan and to contain Talibanization. Thus, the immediate objective of the US invasion of Afghanistan was to prevent the country from terrorism, but the objective remained unachieved to date. As there was a divergence of interests of involved actors, and thus the efforts could not reach the desired result. The US in Afghanistan has exerted influence for almost two decades.Thereby, both the warring sides have now decided on a political settlement and a permanent ceasefire. The agreement took place on February 29, 2020, and its provisions include the withdrawal of all US troops and NATO forces from Afghanistan. Thereby objective and significance of the study are contributed to assess the post-withdrawal scenarios.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Government Post Graduate College, Charsadda, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Women University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Honors Graduate, Department of Political Science, Women University Mardan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/ustaliban-peace-process-postwithdrawal-scenarios</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392929</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>[Be]Longings: Exploring Emotional Territories of Home, Desire and Identity in Shamsie&apos;s Home Fire</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fariha Chaudhary</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maimoona Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Islamophobia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>British Muslims</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diaspora Literature</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Identity Crisis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Desire</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The present article is an exploration of ShamsieâÂ€Â™s Home Fire (2017). Contextualized in the theoretical narratives of Islamophobia and postcolonial studies, the present paper is based on a qualitative analysis of the selected textual lines to reveal the struggles inherent in the minds and hearts of second and third-generation colonial subjects. The characters desire to be heard, to belong to a nation, a culture, a family, a loved one, an ideology and a home.However, their life trajectories reveal the inherent difficulties embedded in trying to be &apos;British&apos; as well as &apos;Muslims&apos;, the two identities that seem to be at conflicting ends owing to a surge in Islamophobia. By drawing attention to the complexity of &apos;belonging&apos; and &apos;home&apos;, this article tries to reveal the ensuing identity crisis experienced by British Muslims in the wake of post-9/11Islamophobia.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of English, Women University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/belongings-exploring-emotional-territories-of-home-desire-and-identity-in-shamsies-home-fire</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392930</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Communication of Politicians on Social Media: An Analysis of Party Leaders&apos; Tweets in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Qamar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Malik Adnan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zaneera Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political leaders</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Communication</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Twitter</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Political leaders utilize social media as a new means of communicating with their constituents and supporters. It provides political leaders with a platform to communicate with the general public on a large scale. It is imperative to study this usage of Twitter. For this purpose, three political leaders from leading political parties of Pakistan (PML-N, PPP and PTI) have been selected to investigate figurative language in their tweets using the Vandijk model of Critical Discourse Analysis.According to the study&apos;s findings, political leaders in Pakistan used Twitter for covid-related communication with varying frequency. They employed figurative language in their tweets,mostly using an active voice with a politically-motivated lexical choice. Religious connotations are also prominent in the discourse. Bilawal Bhutto Zardari and Maryam Nawaz are critical of the government&apos;s response to Covid-19, mostly aiming at the Pakistani public, whereas Imran Khan highlighted comparatively positive aspects while targeting the global audience.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Communication and Media Studies, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Media Studies, Iqra University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-communication-of-politicians-on-social-media-an-analysis-of-party-leaders-tweets-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392931</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Politics of Alliance in Pakistan: A Case Study of MQM (1985-1999)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rehana Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Iqbal Chawla</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Naumana Kiran</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>MQM</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alliance Formation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Government</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Coalition</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The purpose of this study is to make a case study of alliance politics practiced by MQM, a major political party in Sindh, which always remained in coalition to become a part of the government. The politics of alliance formation has remained a regular feature of politics in Pakistan since its inception. Several political alliances were formed in order to achieve the goals of power politics. MQM is a political party whose political influence is limited to the urban-based population influencing Urdu speaking mohajir community. From1988 on-wards, MQM formed alliances with different political parties;however, it could not become a national-level political party. It is a qualitative based study conducted to achieve research purposes. The findings suggest that MQM&apos;s alliance politics met failure due to multiple factors such as the party&apos;s alleged involvement in violence,practicing the politics of ethnicity, and pursuing regional interests rather than national goals. Moreover, unrealistic demands from the partners, pursuance of personal agendas and dissent of the state to the party&apos;s activities However, it left deep impressions on the national political landscape.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of History and Pakistan Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Former Dean Faculty of Arts and Humanities, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Pakistani Study Centre, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/politics-of-alliance-in-pakistan-a-case-study-of-mqm-19851999</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392932</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Feudalism, Factionalism and the Muslim Politics in Punjab during 1937 Elections</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shahzad Qaisar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Unionists</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Feudalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Landed Elite</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Communal Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ahrars</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>League</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ittehad-i-Millat</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Fazl-i-Husain</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sikander Hayat</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Indian Punjab was a Muslim majority province with a feudal dominant political base. The Unionist party was organized by Sir Fazl-i-Husain to incorporate the powerful elite into a single party without communal distinction. The party had the majority of the Muslim landed elite with consistent egoistic rivalries over personal clashes. The other contenders were Indian National Congress, All India Muslim League, Ahrars and Ittehad-i-Millat with communal slogans. The paper aims to analyze the pre-election issue of succession between Fazl and Sikander Hayat Khan, along with the advantages and disadvantages for the Unionists and other stakeholders before elections, with a focus on Muslim politics. Why and how the Unionists were able to retain political dominance and how communal parties failed to form any formidable alliance against them are examined to understand the inherent weaknesses and strengths of all groups.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>QaisarAssistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies and History, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/feudalism-factionalism-and-the-muslim-politics-in-punjab-during-1937-elections</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392933</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Continuation of Democracy in Pakistan: An Analysis of 2018 General Elections</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Iltaf Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Farmanullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rowaid Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Tehreek-i- Insaaf</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electable</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social-Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electable</dc:subject>
<dc:description>July 25th 2018 marked as a momentous occasion in the political history of Pakistan as for the first time in 72 years of history of Pakistan, the third consecutive general elections and second consecutive democratic transition were held from one party to another. As a result of the elections, PTI, with the support of the middle class, and urbanites youth, including male and female having greater access to electronic and digital media, with its agenda of change, working relations with the military establishment succeeded in forming its government at centre with Imran Khan as premier.Some argue that these developments established a strengthened democratic era in Pakistan; others see it as yet another pliant civilian government propped up by the non-political actors. However, during the present PTI regime, the social, political and economic profile of Pakistan has gone through significant changes which greatly affected the polity of Pakistan. The objective of this study is to explore how various developments directly or indirectly impinged the democratic process in Pakistan during the PTI government.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Subject Specialist, Pakistan Study, Elementary &amp; Secondary Education, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer Pakistan Studies, Bacha Khan University Charsadda, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-continuation-of-democracy-in-pakistan-an-analysis-of-2018-general-elections</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392934</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Governor General and Provincial Politics: Jinnah&apos;s NWFP Politics (1947-1948)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shahzad Qaisar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Jinnah</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Qaiyum</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cunningham</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Abdul Ghaffar Khan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>All India Muslim League</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Khudai Khidmatgars</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NWFP ministry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provincial Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The politics of North-West Frontier Province was a tough task for Jinnah due to well-established rival political parties like Khudai Khidmatgars and Indian National Congress. He revived the dormant Provincial Muslim League in the post-1936 election period.But the situation did not change significantly. After the 3rd June plan,Jinnah wanted dismissal of the Congress ministry, which happened after partition as Jinnah dismissed the Congress-led ministry to install his handpicked Qaiyum Khan ministry. Rumours, doubts, and trust deficit prevailed between both sides. Jinnah guided and favored Qaiyum in every possible way through Governor General&apos;s office.Jinnah monitored the politics before and after his last visit to the province till his severe illness.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies and History, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies and History, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-governor-general-and-provincial-politics-jinnahs-nwfp-politics-19471948</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392935</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Reflections of Charter of Democracy, 2006 in Zardari Era: A Critical Appraisal</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shaista Gohar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hamida Bibi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Charter of Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Peoples Party</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Muslim League (N)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Zardari era</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitutional Amendments</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Free</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The two leading political parties of Pakistan, the Pakistan Peoples Party and Pakistan Muslim League (N)&apos;s leaders, had passed some bitter political experiences. Both the parties also learnt a lesson from their respective exiles by President Musharraf and agreed to conclude the Charter of Democracy (CoD) in 2006 in London to strengthen the culture of democracy in Pakistan. However, the demise of Benazir Bhutto in 2007 paved the way for the PPP&apos;s newleadership, Asif Ali Zardari, to rule the country after the victory in the2008 General Elections. This paper attempts to highlight the main pledges of CoD and analyze its manifestations in the Zardari era from2008 to 2013. The paper also points out how Zardari, to a certain extent, competently used the CoD to complete the tenure of PPP. In response, the main party in CoD also honored the principle of charter and played a constructive role as a major opposition party in the Parliament of Pakistan during the Zardari era.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Islamia College, University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Benazir Women University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/reflections-of-charter-of-democracy-2006-in-zardari-era-a-critical-appraisal</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392936</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>SWOT Analysis of Kaghan Valley, Mansehra: Some Suggested Measures for Sustainable Tourism Development</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Anas Mahmud Arif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Hameed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adnan Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>SWOT</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kaghan Valley</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sustainable Tourism Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Planning and Management</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tourists</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Local Community</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Kaghan valley, Mansehra, is one of the topmost tourist destinations in Pakistan. Every year millions of tourists visit this valley. The valley is known for its natural beauty and pleasant weather.Its natural beauty also attracts inbound tourists. Kaghan valley is blessed with immense tourism resources. Some of these resources have already been explored, while many of them are yet to be explored and developed. The valley has a lot of strengths and opportunities for sustainable tourism development, but at the same time, there are a number of weaknesses and threats too. If these weaknesses and threats are not tackled immediately, it will cause a decline in tourism. The current paper is an attempt to assess the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of Kaghan valley and suggest some measures to overcome these issues for sustainable tourism development in the valley.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Tourism and Hospitality, Hazara University Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Archaeology, Hazara University Mansehra, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Architecture, Hazara University Mansehra, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/swot-analysis-of-kaghan-valley-mansehra-some-suggested-measures-for-sustainable-tourism-development</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392937</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Transgender Students&apos; Experiences of Bullying: Some Case Study Evidence</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Afira Aslam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Yaar Muhammad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Laiba Nasir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Transgender</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bullying</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cisgender; and Coming Out</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This phenomenological case study research explored the bullying experiences of transgender students in educational institutes.For this purpose, two participants were selected through snowball sampling who had a minimum of 16 years of education from different educational institutes in Pakistan. Semi-structured interviews were conducted, and a within-case analysis was done. Both transgender students identified their gender as contrary to the gender assigned at birth, which affected them adversely, and they had to go through different experiences and issues as compared to cisgender students.Due to gender identity, transgender students faced different types of bullying (verbal, non-verbal, physical; and sexual) in different places(classes or corridors, playgrounds, washrooms, hostels; and social media or cyberspace), which led to serious consequences (depression,hiding gender identity, missing school or classes; and others). Implementation of training to sensitize students and teachers about transgender students to promote exclusivity, equity, diversity, and in discrimination is recommended.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil. Scholar, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Government College Women University, Sialkot, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Associate, University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/transgender-students-experiences-of-bullying-some-case-study-evidence</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392938</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Application of the Concept of Islamic Welfare State is the Panacea to Remove the Evils of the Political System of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Juliyana Usman Wachani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Itrat Batool</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Murtaza Lahbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political System</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islamic Welfare State</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Systems</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Evils</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Muslims were promised to establish a separate homeland with the enforcement of the Islamic political system in case of the establishment of a new state. But with the passage of time, politicians of Pakistan became negligent of the principles of the political system of Islam. Reports of international forums demonstrate that the performance of the chief organs of the Pakistani political system is not satisfactory. The research study sets the hypothesis that the application of the concept of the Islamic welfare state is the panacea for removing the evils of the political system of Pakistan. In this connection, a comparative study will be conducted to evaluate both Pakistan&apos;s and the Islamic political systems. The nature of the research study is qualitative along with a thematic analysis approach by conducting interviews with ten scholars having MPhil and PhD education. Finally, the findings will be derived on how far application of the concept of an Islamic welfare state is fruitful in removing the evils of the Pakistani political system.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer (Political Science), Raunaq e Islam Government College For Women, Kharadar, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer (Islamic History), Raunaq e Islam Government College For Women, Kharadar, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Benazir School of Business, Benazir Bhutto Shaheed University Liyari, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/application-of-the-concept-of-islamic-welfare-state-is-the-panacea-to-remove-the-evils-of-the-political-system-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:392940</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Melange of Humourism, Judaism and Hebraism in Philip Roth&apos;s &apos;Goodbye, Columbus&apos;: An Analytical Study</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Akeel Ahmed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Samina Yasmin</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iqra Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Judaism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Humourism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ethnicity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hebraism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Moral Deterioration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Perversion</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the vanguard of rising Jewish ethnicity in America after World War II, Philip Roth penned a novella, &apos;Goodbye, Columbus&apos;. This incandescently alive novella depicts the embedded flippancy and humor of the lower middle class and upper class. Neil Klugman, a librarian, hailed from Newark. On the other hand, Brenda Patimkin,a college student of an affluent family, lived in Short Hills. Neil, the protagonist and the narrator of the story, falls in love with Brenda.Roth, through the character of Neil, has mildly slated the relationship of Gentiles with other characters. A cursory perusal of the novella also surfaces what elements impelled the writer to show this side ofthe picture regarding the delineation of Jews&apos; internal matters. In this study, we have argued about the novella in terms of its Hebraism and humouristic features; the study has also underpinned how Judaism is reflected in the novella.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer in English Language and Literature, Government Graduate College, Pasrur (Sialkot), Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer in English, University of Education, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer in English, University of Education, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/melange-of-humourism-judaism-and-hebraism-in-philip-roths-goodbye-columbus-an-analytical-study-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393439</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Analysis of Empowerment of the People through Parliament: The Case Study of Pakistan (2008-2013)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ikramullah Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shafiq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Qaswar Abbas Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Unionists</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Feudalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Landed Elite</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Communal Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ahrars</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>League</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ittehad-i-Millat</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Fazl-i-Husain</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sikander Hayat</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This descriptive and analytical study aims to investigate the empowerment of people through the mother of institutions i.e. Parliament which is regarded as the exclusive channel to represent the people&apos;s interests. All laws and acts passed by the parliament affect the life of the people. The period(March 17, 2008 -March 16 2013) has the credit that for the first time in the history of Pakistan, the elected parliament completed its term. During this period parliament introduce various constitutional measures for the betterment of the people. This study does not intend to analyze the important legislation in parliament, but it focuses on the way it empowers the general public. It discusses various procedures in the parliament. The findings show that there were positive trends in the parliament regarding the democratic culture. Although practically people of Pakistan are leading a very miserable life, at least at the theoretical level the culture of debates and discussion was introduced within the parliament. The passing of acts through consensus is the prerequisite of the parliamentary system. Strengthening parliament is actually empowering the people.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur (IUB), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of History, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur (IUB), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of History and Civilization Studies, Bahauddin Zakariya University (BZU), Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/an-analysis-of-empowerment-of-the-people-through-parliament-the-case-study-of-pakistan-20082013</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393653</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Structure of Social Contract in the United States of America: Representative Versus Unrepresentative</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ahmed Ijaz Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tahir Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Contract</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Separation of Powers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Structuralism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Functionalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Corporate Elite</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The constitutional system in the United States of America has maintained a systematic balance between its federal character, separation of powers and distribution of autonomy.The power of the Center over component and subordinated institutions has been ensured through a combination of the constitutional system as well as a bipartite political system. Ironically, the bipartite system&apos;s one weakness is the limitation of choice for the electorates to two candidates.In addition, the growing influence of corporate elites&apos; exercises influences the process of elections as well as the decision-making and legislation.This study critically examines these contradictions and presents analysis of the transformation in the social contract.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-structure-of-social-contract-in-the-united-states-of-america-representative-versus-unrepresentative</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393753</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Performance of the Provincial Government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (2013-18) in Terms of Reforms Introduced in the Health Department</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ibrahim</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shahbaz Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public Satisfaction</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Performance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Health Department</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Khyber Pakhtunkhwa</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article examined the performance of the provincial government of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) (2013-18) in terms of the reforms introduced in the health department in association with the level of public satisfaction. The study revealed that the level of public satisfaction is up to an average extent (35.90%) with the introduced reforms in the health department of KP. It is based on the primary data collected from the general public and experts randomly from a sample size of 464 respondents in districts Peshawar and Charsadda. In making the statistical analysis the chi-square test, p-value and percentage method have been used.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Pakistan Study Centre, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/performance-of-the-provincial-government-of-khyber-pakhtunkhwa-201318-in-terms-of-reforms-introduced-in-the-health-department</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393755</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring the Functionality of Smuggling and Hindrance for Border Dwellers: A Case Study of Paroom-Iran Border, District, Punjgor, Balochistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Najeeb Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Raheem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hussain Ali Hashmi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Cross-border Trade</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hindrance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Illegal Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kinship</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Reciprocity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Smuggling</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study explores the functionality of smuggling and hindrances faced by border dwellers along the Paroom border. The natives are majorly involved in the illegal transportation of goods and services. Therefore, the study explains how important smuggling is for the local people and what difference it makes in their daily lives.This study describes the kinship role in reciprocity in their trade and transportation and the role of people who clash with the armed forces of Iran and Pakistan to conduct their illegal business. Qualitative research methods have been used to conduct this research. The sample size of thirty is selected from the people involved in informal cross-border trade living on the Paroom, Punjgor Balochistan borderland. The interview guide schedule is incorporated into the research process during data collection. The purposive sampling technique is used because this technique considers the magnificent data and observations from the field. The thematic analysis technique is used for generating themes from data. The researcher expanded the study on a wider level, and every ethics was followed during the study.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Sc Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/exploring-the-functionality-of-smuggling-and-hindrance-for-border-dwellers-a-case-study-of-paroomiran-border-district-punjgor-balochistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393763</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Dying Temples of Hindus and Sikhs in Potohar Plateau: A Case Study of Katas Raj Temples</dc:title>
<dc:subject>Katas Raj Temples</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sacred Pond</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dying Heritage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Renovation Projects</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper evaluates the impact of partition on the historicaltemples of Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan, especially in the Rawalpindidivision. This paper will discuss a case study of Katas Raj&apos;s temples. Katas Rajtemples are located in the Chakwal district of the Potohar Plateau. The ancientKatas Raj temples are inscribed in the list of UNESCO World Heritage. This paperconsists of three sections. The first section is about the introduction and religioussignificance of Katas Raj temples. The second section describes the early conditionof Katas Raj before the partition of India and Pakistan. At the same time, the thirdsection of this paper explains the impact of partition on these temples and thecurrent condition of Katas Raj temples. This article highlights the current issue ofdrying up of the sacred pond of Hindus in Katas Raj and its importance in the Hindureligion as they believe that the pond originated when their Lord Shiva shed his tearson the death of his wife, Sati. The nature of the study is qualitative, and interviewswith locals of Chakwal district collect the data; secondary sources are based onbooks, articles, journals, newspapers and magazines.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-dying-temples-of-hindus-and-sikhs-in-potohar-plateau-a-case-study-of-katas-raj-temples</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).21</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393764</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Dying Temples of Hindus and Sikhs in Potohar Plateau: A Case Study of Katas Raj Temples</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Naveed Ahmed Gondal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadeed Arif</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Katas Raj Temples</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sacred Pond</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dying Heritage</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Renovation Projects</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper evaluates the impact of partition on the historical temples of Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan, especially in the Rawalpindi division. This paper will discuss a case study of Katas Raj&apos;s temples. Katas Raj temples are located in the Chakwal district of the Potohar Plateau. The ancient Katas Raj temples are inscribed in the list of UNESCO World Heritage. This paper consists of three sections. The first section is about the introduction and religious significance of Katas Raj temples. The second section describes the early condition of Katas Raj before the partition of India and Pakistan. At the same time, the third section of this paper explains the impact of partition on these temples and the current condition of Katas Raj temples. This article highlights the current issue of drying up of the sacred pond of Hindus in Katas Raj and its importance in the Hindu religion as they believe that the pond originated when their Lord Shiva shed his tears on the death of his wife, Sati. The nature of the study is qualitative, and interviews with locals of Chakwal district collect the data; secondary sources are based on books, articles, journals, newspapers and magazines.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Taxila Institute of Asian Civilizations, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-dying-temples-of-hindus-and-sikhs-in-potohar-plateau-a-case-study-of-katas-raj-temples</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).23</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393788</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Imran Khan&apos;s Maiden Speech: A Critical Discourse Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amara Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Critical Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Imran Khan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Maiden Speech</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Modality</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Semantic Investigation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transitivity</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Critical discourse analysis is useful to analyse political addresses comprising of the communal dialogue where the orator earns the desired reaction from her/his audience. The manuscript studies Imran Khan’s prime minister speech primarily through transitivity and modality, where we realise how semantics and syntax serve the thought as well as authority. Besides, we get an enhanced appreciation of the political resolve concerning the speech. The analysis tries to define the implication of the ideology of Khan&apos;s words for a country which was disturbed by severe economic, political, and social crises. For the present study, qualitative methodology for critical discourse analysis has been employed. The results of the study disclosed that Khan desired to show that Pakistan is not without leadership. It is a vivid fact that Khan&apos;s speech had both practical and theoretical inferences and through Critical Discourse Analysis and Systemic Functional Linguistics aforesaid implications through text analysis surfaced.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Chairperson/Assistant Professor, Department of English, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab,  Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/imran-khans-maiden-speech-a-critical-discourse-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).18</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393791</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Application of Althusser&apos;s theory of ISA in E. M. Foster&apos;s Novel &quot;A Passage to India&quot;</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bahramand Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Gohar Rahman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sana Riaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Ideological State Apparatus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Orientalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Colonialism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>A Passage to India</dc:subject>
<dc:description>ISA stands for Ideological State Apparatus. It includes several ISAs i.e. Educational ISA, Religious ISA, Political ISA, Social and Cultural ISA, Media ISA, etc. The novel “A Passage to India by E.M Foster” is a good example of these ISAs. This novel is based on the subject of orientalism, colonialism, and British rule. It discloses the stereotypical image of the Orientals and the continuous process of constructing or brainwashing to which newcomers are subjected, to generate colonizers who are all the same. This study aims to discuss political and religious ISAs in the novel “A Passage to India” by E. M Foster. Further, this research is also based on the application of religious and Political domains of ISA, the study of the relation of ISA with colonialism, and the study of the effects of ideology on society.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Area Study Center, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of English, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Demonstrator, Department of English, Abdul Wali khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-application-of-althussers-theory-of-isa-in-e-m-fosters-novel-a-passage-to-india</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).19</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393795</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Beyond Binary Logics of Assimilation: Cultural Hybridity in Gish Jen&apos;s Novel Typical American</dc:title>
<dc:creator>KaiPing Wang</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Cultural Hybridity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Typical American</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>In-between World</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Liminal</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Beyond</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Binary Logics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper will conduct an exploration of cultural hybridity through a study of Gish Jen’s novel Typical American, which reconfigures the cultural identities of Chinese Americans as a dynamic, shifting and fluctuating process in the liminal and ‘in-betweenness’ space that Chinese Americans occupy in between Chinese culture and American dominant culture. Gish Jen’s literary works would disintegrate literary Chinatown’s us/other binary oppositions. This study is aimed at redefining the identity politics of diasporic Chinese Americans at the moment of crossing the geographical, cultural, political and social borderline in a postmodern and postcolonial scene as well as in the multicultural scene of the late 20th century.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Student, American Studies at Area Study Center Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/beyond-binary-logics-of-assimilation-cultural-hybridity-in-gish-jens-novel-typical-american</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393821</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Socio-Political Contribution of Sir Agha Khan III for Indian Muslims: An Overview</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shaista Gohar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Yunas Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shazia Noareen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sir Aga Khan III</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indian Muslims</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Women Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Movement</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah Aga Khan III, a renowned Muslim leader, was instrumental in the freedom movement in Pakistan and provided significant support for Muslims in India. He was ideally positioned to play a big role in the international affairs of his time because of his extensive understanding of several cultural traditions, and his long public career had numerous facets. This study examines the contributions of Sir Sultan Muhammad Shah, Agha Khan III with particular attention to the social reforms and politicalachievements of his life. The article sheds light on his role in the Pakistan Movement as well as his social services for the boost up of Indian Muslims. This study is basically qualitative in nature and a descriptive method with a historical approach is applied.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>District Education Officer (DEO), Literacy Department, Lodhran, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/sociopolitical-contribution-of-sir-agha-khan-iii-for-indian-muslims-an-overview</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-I).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:393844</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Application of Marxism in the Short Story &quot;The Moustache&quot; by Tariq Rahman</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sana Hussan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Gohar Rahman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayaz Ahmad Aryan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Marxism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Class Struggle</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bourgeoisie</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Proletaria</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study aims to delineate the idea that the working class is exploited due to economic disparity and social inequality. The sufferings of the lower class aggravate and it pretends to behave like the owner class through physical appearances. According to Marxism, the subjugation of the lower class is caused by the lack of opportunities and dispossession to own the means of production. The study deals with the application of Marxism in the short story The Moustache by Tariq Rahman. Rahman in this story highlights the sufferings of the lower class in the feudal system of Pakistan. The characters of Dadu and Shafaqat belong to the working class and live downtrodden life. They struggle for their survival and suffer both physically and financially in the existing feudal system. The study also seeks to recommend ways to wipe out class discrimination in society in light of Marxism.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M. Phil. Scholar, Department of English, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-application-of-marxism-in-the-short-story-the-moustache-by-tariq-rahman</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-I).24</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395392</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Impact of Covid-19 on Domestic Violence in South Asia</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Imran Haider</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ali Awan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Atifa Nasir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Covid 2019</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Domestic Violence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Women</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Domestic violence, rooted in patriarchy and conservatism, significantly increased during the COVID-19 pandemic, presenting a challenge to gender justice. This study examines the pandemic&apos;s impact on domestic violence in Pakistan, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, and Sri Lanka, using an exploratory mixed-methods approach. In-depth interviews (IDIs) and key informant interviews (KIIs) with practitioners and experts, alongside a web-based survey with field-level practitioners and community members, revealed that domestic violence surged during the pandemic. Factors such as mobility restrictions, loss of livelihoods, and prolonged presence of men at home exacerbated violence against women and young girls. Additionally, increased household chores, school closures, and the absence of recreational activities led to heightened aggression. The findings highlight that domestic violence was a widespread issue across social classes in South Asia, reflecting the pandemic&apos;s deep impact on socio-economic and familial dynamics, with women and children bearing the brunt of this crisis.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Sociology, Allama Iqbal Open University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, APNA Institute of Public Health, Jinnah Sindh Medical University Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Gender and Women Studies, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/impact-of-covid19-on-domestic-violence-in-south-asia</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).20</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395444</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Critical Analysis of Democratic Culture in the Political Parties; Awami National Party, Pakistan People&apos;s Party, and Pakistan Muslim League (N)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Naushad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dynastic Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Decision-Making</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Development</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The undemocratic behavior of the political parties in Pakistan is one of the major causes of political instability and political corruption. The control of a few people or families over parties creates feelings of dissatisfaction and powerlessness among the masses. The situation leads to the development of centralized, family-based, and, autocratic culture in political parties. The political experts and legends pointed out the selection of leadership, selection of candidates for public offices as well as for party offices, and the organizational structure of decision-making bodies of political parties as the basic institutions for party democratization. In the light of the literature review and constitutional framework for political parties of Pakistan, the party leadership, selection of candidates, and decision-making bodies are being examined of sample parties (ANP, PPP, and PM -N). </dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, Islamia College Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/a-critical-analysis-of-democratic-culture-in-the-political-parties-awami-national-party-pakistan-peoples-party-and-pakistan-muslim-league-n</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-II).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395617</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Judging the State: Courts and Constitutional Politics in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maryam Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iftikhar Ahmad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mehnaz Begum</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Military Courts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitutional Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Judicial Independence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Counterterrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The focus of this article is the court, constitution making relations in Pakistan and particularly the role played by the military courts in respect to human rights. Pakistan&apos;s military has played a dominant role in shaping the legal and political structure and Pakistan courts martial and had judicial reform and debate over the balance between national security and human rights exercised. The introduction of these concerns over due process and the military courts’ judicial independence since 2015 in Pakistan’s counterterrorism strategy has drawn alarm. Yet they were supposed to fight against the increasing terrorist and militant activities, also in contradiction with constitutional guarantees and were at loggerheads with transparency and accountability. It looks at what happens as Pakistan’s counterterrorism measures go against the basic foundations of justice and some recommendations that were made, to ensure that Pakistan’s counterterrorism steps comply with international human rights normative standards and have constitutional guarantees.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Researcher, LLM Student, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Shariah and Law, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Sharia and Law Islamia College Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/judging-the-state-courts-and-constitutional-politics-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).21</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395866</identifier>
<datestamp>2021-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Security Dynamics of CPEC 2.0 and Chinese Strategic Interests in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sahar Saleem</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CPEC 2.0; security governance; hybrid threats; securitization; Chinese strategic interests; BRI; Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The paper discusses the security dynamics of CPEC 2.0 and its effects on the interests of China in Pakistan. It employs mixed-methods comparative case study to analyze key-informant opinion, policy documents and open-source security data. The research concludes that CPEC 2.0 functions in high violence areas especially Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan areas with significant assaults on Chinese citizens. CPEC-related incidents are less often than other terrorist acts; however, they cause serious reputational and political consequences, which aggravates the risk of investment and gives rise to securitization. According to the paper, the protection of corridors should be centered on adaptive coordination between agencies, accountability, and community involvement, but not on physical aspects of protection. It provides a model of a connection between strategic competition and securitization, showing the role of security governance on the sustainability of CPEC 2.0.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor Department of Pakistan studies, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan .KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar , school of journalism and communication , Wuhan University P.R China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2021-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/security-dynamics-of-cpec-20-and-chinese-strategic-interests-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(VI-II).22</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 6, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395913</identifier>
<datestamp>2019-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Contempt of Court vs. Freedom of Expression: Redrawing the Line in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kamran Abdullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Contempt of Court; Freedom of Expression; Pakistan; Article 19; Article 204; Proportionality; Chilling Effect</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Qazi-led dispute resolution, Jirga and Panchayat forums of informal justice continue to play a significant role in Pakistan as they offer cheaper, quicker, and more culturally intelligible channels of resolving disputes where formal courts are sluggish, expensive, and physically remote. This paper discusses nature of those mechanisms as parallel alternative dispute resolution (ADR) or a constitutional issue. The mixed-method study was based on an analysis of doctrinal rights and a qualitative mapping of practice of forums, which allows determining the procedural fairness, pathways of enforcement, and impact of rights on vulnerable groups. The evidence indicates that such forums can only be considered as legitimate ADR in cases where those involved join in proceedings, which are truly voluntary, such results are not punitive and significant exit to state courts is maintained. The article suggests controlled integration by means of court-mediated integration, minimum protection and prohibition of punitive and coercive measures.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Shariah and Law, Islamia college Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2019-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/contempt-of-court-vs-freedom-of-expression-redrawing-the-line-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2019(IV-II).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 4, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395918</identifier>
<datestamp>2020-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Arbitration in Pakistan Post-2011 Act: Progress or Procedural Paralysis?</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kamran Abdullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aisha Rasool</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arbitration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>2011 Act</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New York Convention</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Enforcement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Procedural Delays</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper assesses the extent to specific post-2011 Supreme which Pakistan’s arbitration regime has shown any substantive improvement against not being a pro-enforcement regime since 2011, or whether this regime has created procedural stalling by the court against delay. Based on doctrinal research into laws, the study examines the Recognition and Enforcement (Arbitration Agreements and Foreign Arbitral Awards) Act 2011 and Court and High Court judgments to chart the enforcement process and the recurrence of tactics to resist it. According to the findings, the Pakistani courts are moving towards an increase in a Convention-consistent position, in which recognition and enforcement represent the default and merit-based re-litigation is opposed. The article conclude that Pakistan has made doctrinal progress, but procedural drag remains a bane to predictability. It is suggested that enforcement reliability be enhanced through targeted procedural changes and the systematic handling of judicial cases. </dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Shariah and Law, Islamia College Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Senior Director Research and Publication, Federal Judicial Academy, Islamabad, Principal Law College Gomal University, D.I.Khan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2020-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/arbitration-in-pakistan-post2011-act-progress-or-procedural-paralysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2020(V-I).41</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 5, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394078</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict In 2020: Causes and Consequences</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bashir Ahmed Kalwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Nauman Akhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Amna Munawar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Armenia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Azerbaijan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Territory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Caucasus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Escalation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The standstill conflict, Nagorno-Karabakh issue is a territorial and ethnic conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia from the last few decades. The conflict was fueled by nationalism and the geopolitics of Russia and Turkiye, which sell weapons to both countries and aim to influence the energy-rich region of the South Caucasus. The recent 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh war and 2022 ceasefire violations have resulted in hundreds of deaths and negatively impacted the economies of Armenia and Azerbaijan.The need for a foreign mediator in the peace process is crucial to prevent further escalation and promote growth in the region, as the two countries have no strategic or diplomatic relationship and closed borders causing trade disruptions.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Prof Department of Political Science, FUUAST, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer Department of Political Science, Government Islamia Graduate College Kasur, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of DSS, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-nagornokarabakh-conflict-in-2020-causes-and-consequences</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394079</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>From Commissionerate to Governor Province, the Role of Muslim League and Congress in the Political Reform Movement of NWFP in British India</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Munazza</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zeeshan Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maghfoor Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Frontier</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Congress</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Muslim League</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Khudai Khidmatgars</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article explains the role of the Muslim League and Congress in the struggle of the frontier people for the introductionof reforms in NWFP. The time span of the study i-e the era discussed in the article is mainly from 1901, when the Commissioner Province of NWFP was established, to 1931 when it was granted the status of Governor Province. The article discusses the general outlook of the province, the attitude of colonial masters, the political awakening of the people, the struggle of the Muslim League and Congress in demanding introduction of reforms for the province and finally the proceedings of the Round Table Conferences. The conclusion of the article is that the British agreed to the introduction of reforms because the Indian Political leaders and masses were unanimous in their demand for reforms in NWFP.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/from-commissionerate-to-governor-province-the-role-of-muslim-league-and-congress-in-the-political-reform-movement-of-nwfp-in-british-india</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394080</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>History and Evolution of Insurgency in Balochistan (1948 to 2018)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Noor Saeed Khattak</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Alia Naseer</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Azeem Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Insurgency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balochistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Province</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper focuses on the patterns of insurgency in Balochistan from 1948 to 2018. The study analyzes the historical background of Balochistan, including its annexation to Pakistan, and examines the five phases of insurgency in the province. The research also explores the factors that have contributed to the emergence and sustenance of the Baloch nationalist movement, including economic exploitation, political marginalization, and ethnic discrimination. The study employs a qualitative research approach, using secondary sources and expert interviews to provide an in-depth analysis of the insurgency in Balochistan. The findings of the study highlight the complex nature of the conflict and suggest possible solutions to address the grievances of the Baloch people and bring lasting peace to the region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Peace and Conflict Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/history-and-evolution-of-insurgency-in-balochistan-1948-to-2018</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394081</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Federalism Crises in Pakistan: Impacts on Centre-Province Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Khudija Sanam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Integration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Centre-province Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Despite having a lengthy history of transitional administration, Pakistan has never created a comprehensive federal framework. Since independence, Pakistan&apos;s federal structure has remained extremely centralized, resulting in a multitude of issues such as a sense of deprivation, inequity, and unfairness among the units, all of which have fueled regionalist sentiment. However, Pakistan&apos;s federation is progressively maturing, but it will take a long time to catch up to the US federation. This research will provide a detailed account of the problems and prospects faced by Pakistan&apos;s weak Federation along with remedial measures that can be beneficial inestablishing a strong federation in Pakistan. This research study will  provide essential information to future researchers to address the issues of the federation in Pakistan from various aspects.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Shaheeed Benazir Bhutto Women University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Government Girls Degree College, Shiekhmaltoon, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/federalism-crises-in-pakistan-impacts-on-centreprovince-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394082</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Understanding the Digital Divide in the Contemporary Digital World</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ameer Farooqi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uffaq Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Amna Munawar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Digital Divide</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender Digital Divide</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Universal Digital Divide</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Contemporary Digital World</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article explores the concept of the digital divide and its different forms, which persist despite the rapid transformation towards digitalization. The divide refers to unequal access and use of technology, the internet, and hardware and software, based on social inclusion/exclusion, gender, and universal accessibility. The causes of the divide include lack of education, access, affordability, motivation, and knowledge of technology. The divide adversely affects the economy, education, and social sphere, leading to compromised economic growth. The article highlights that the COVID-19 pandemic has further amplified the severity of the digital divide.Therefore, governments, commercial and non-commercial sectors need to collaborate to bridge the divide and achieve universal digital access.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Federal Urdu University of Arts, Science and Technology, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of International Relations, National Defense University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of Defence and Strategic Studies, Quaid Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/understanding-the-digital-divide-in-the-contemporary-digital-world</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394083</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s Political Shift from Martial Law towards Democracy during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Era (1970 â€“ 1977)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Khudija Sanam</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Military Interventions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Consequences of Military Interventions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Zulfiqar era</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Military is a well organized and disciplined institution of a country. The main function of the military is to secure the borders from external aggressions but in the case of Pakistan there are uncertainties and political instabilities which provoke the military to take over and rule the country. After the martial law of Ayub Khan, formal elections were held in which Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was nominated to govern the country. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto has won the elections and became the prime minister of Pakistan. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto implanted democracy in true sense. It was proved that democracy is far better than dictatorship. The paper aims to throw light on the political shift from martial law to democracy in Pakistan during Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto era.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Shaheeed Benazir Bhutto Women University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Government Girls Degree College Shiekhmaltoon Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistans-political-shift-from-martial-law-towards-democracy-during-zulfiqar-ali-bhutto-era-1970-1977</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394084</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indian Involvement in Balochistan: Implications for CPEC</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ahsan Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fakhara Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saira Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balochistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The current research article has shed light on the Baloch insurgency which has created many untoward conditions for China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The role of world actors in propagation of adverse conditions in the Baloch region has also been meticulously analyzed. The focus of the research is laid on the role of India that supports insurgency in Balochistan. It has been discussed with concrete evidence that India has been meddling in Baloch territory. It wants to pursue certain political gains by scattering influence beyond its jurisdiction. The development of CPEC is perceived as a threat by India so it wants to hamper CPEC as well as the growing Chinese influence in the region. The researcher has found various causes of insurgency in Balochistan, which have been discussed with logical explanations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>ecturer, Department of International Relations, University of Okara, Okara, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Faculty, Department of International Relations, University of Okara, Okara, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/indian-involvement-in-balochistan-implications-for-cpec</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394085</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Presidential Verses Parliamentary Form of Government in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asif Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zeeshan Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Munazza</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Presidential System</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Parliamentary System</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitutional Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Amendment shall not be effective unless completely performed. The main element of the Amendment was the decentralization of the Power. At the federal and provincial levels, it was merely a concept. It has been highlighted, for instance, that the Federal Government has traditionally tended to direct these groups rather than advise them, undermining the core function of these bodies. The Federal Government issued policy directives that allowed regulatory bodies to operate independently. Similar to the National Finance Commission Awards, the Provincial Finance Commission Awards were necessary to fairly divide the funds to districts. Political, administrative, and financial accountability should be upheld as mandated by Articles 32 and 140 A of the Constitution.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate Student, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/presidential-verses-parliamentary-form-of-government-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394086</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Expansion of Hindutva: Violation of Minorities Rights under Modi Government</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muneeba Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hindutva</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Modi</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Minorities</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study will explore the influence of Hindutva ideology on Muslims of India about the perspective of human rights, that how the political system of India is impacted through this ideology.Violation of minority rights is usual thing currently, Human Rights which are granted under the constitution of India and they are actually fundamental rights those are inalienable and indivisible. Being a secular state discrimination of rights on religious bases and inaccessibility of fundamental rights in a largest democratic state is discussed. This research explained the history of various communal riots done by Hindu extremist and contemporary incidents of violence supported by current ruling party BJP. Basic purpose of promotion of this ideology is to make hegemony of Hindus in am religious pluralistic society where many religions other them Hinduism exists.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Women University, Swabi, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Shaheeed Benazir Bhutto Women University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islambad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/expansion-of-hindutva-violation-of-minorities-rights-under-modi-government</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394113</identifier>
<datestamp>2022-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Cold War and its Effects on Developing Countries: The Case of Afghanistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ruqaiya Bibi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anfal Afridi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Javeria Noor Sawal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>United States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Soviet Union</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cold War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Invasion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mujahedeen</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghanistan is one of the emerging nations still feeling the effects of the cold war. The Soviet invasion, which lasted from 1979 to 1989, had a significant impact on Afghanistan. In response, the United States the Cold War opponent of the Soviet Union supported the rebel mujahedeen organizations to force the Soviet soldiers to withdraw. Not only Afghanistan but also its neighbors, Iran and Pakistan in particular, have been impacted by numerous internal and external crises. As a result of finding asylum in these nations, many Afghans committed crimes. This study examines how the Cold War affected developing nations. What difficulties did Afghanistan encounter both before and after the Soviet troops invaded? What impact it had on the dynamics of Afghanistan’s relations with the United States, Russia (formerly known as the Soviet Union), and Pakistan? The following paper provides a detailed discussion of the costs and benefits of the Cold War period.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Honors Graduate, Department of Political Science, Women University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Women University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Mphil, Department of Political Science, Qurtuba University of Science &amp; Information Technology, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2022-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/cold-war-and-its-effects-on-developing-countries-the-case-of-afghanistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2022(VII-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 7, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394254</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of Pakistan as a Facilitator in the Intra-Afghan Dialogues</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Shaheer Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muniba Nafees</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Doha Peace Talks</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Stakeholders</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban stances</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Impediments</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Way Forward</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Future Prosperity</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Afghan peace negotiations with the United States have established a unified forum for the country&apos;s future. Since the Soviet invasions and 9/11, the imbroglio and terrors attacks destabilize the Afghanistan area. Pakistan plays a key role in the resumption of the peace process. Pakistan has taken significant action to open the dialogue and invite the Taliban and the United States to the negotiating table in order to negotiate peace and stability. The Pakistani Foreign Ministry began working to reduce tension, and including Pakistan in a peace agreement would both enhance Pakistan&apos;s influence in the region and yield positive benefits as part of the peace talks process. Pakistan&apos;s efforts and dedication were important in facilitating the Two Plus Two peace talks, which had been impasses since the 9/11 terrorist attacks, as well as the US and China&apos;s roles as observers. In this paper, I will focus to illustrate Pakistan&apos;s role and to find out the critical assumption about the role of Pakistan in Afghan Peace Talks.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. IR, Department of International Relations, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Commerce, Quaid e Azam College of Commerce, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>LLB Sharia &amp; Law, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-pakistan-as-a-facilitator-in-the-intraafghan-dialogues</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394753</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Digital Diplomacy in Pakistan: Prospects And Challenges</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hafiza Saba Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Digital Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Technologies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomacy Efforts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cyber Threats</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Affairs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Arena</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article explores the prospects and challenges of digital diplomacy in Pakistan. In recent years, Pakistan has recognized the importance of harnessing digital tools to enhance diplomatic engagement, both domestically and internationally. By analyzing the current landscape and examining case studies, this article highlights the potential benefits of digital diplomacy for Pakistan, including improved public outreach, increased transparency, and enhanced soft power projection. Additionally, it discusses the challenges that may impede its successful implementation, such as limited internet access, cyber threats, and institutional resistance. By addressing these challenges and capitalizing on the opportunities presented, Pakistan can leverage digital diplomacy to effectively represent its interests in a rapidly evolving global arena. Ultimately, this article serves as a comprehensive resource for policymakers, diplomats, and scholars interested in understanding the potential of digital diplomacy in Pakistan and its implications for foreign affairs.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Research Assistant, Center of Pakistan and International Relations, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/digital-diplomacy-in-pakistan-prospects-and-challenges</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394791</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Tajikistan-Kyrgyzstan Conflict: Causes and Pathways to Peace</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muneeba Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uroosa Ishfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Tajikistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kyrgyzstan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Central Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Border Conflict.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The undefined frontiers in Central Asia have long been a source of conflict. There is a lengthy and complicated history of the Tajik-Kyrgyz war. Despite being about 1000 km long, only about half of the border between the two states has been marked since 1991. This article explains the reasons for the war between two former Soviet Socialist States. And the role of Russia in this scenario. Also, this research will come up with some policy suggestions to resolve this border dispute between two neighboring states. The long-standing disagreement over the boundaries became a major reason for the war. Due to the violent situation of both states, many clashes erupted in the region which became a reason for the loss of a huge number of people.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Mirpur University of Science and Technology, Mirpur, Azad Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/tajikistankyrgyzstan-conflict-causes-and-pathways-to-peace</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395358</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Downfall of Liberal International Order: A Case Study of Russia and Ukraine War</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Adrish Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sohail Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Russia-Ukraine War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Liberalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Liberal International Order</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democratic Peace Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Institution</dc:subject>
<dc:description>We have been living in a liberal international order for the past seventy-five years. The world has enjoyed the advantages of a system fostering cooperation and preventing the recurrence of devastating wars since WWII. However, the liberal international order, rooted in liberal theory, faces a current threat of diminishing influence. There are multiple reasons for the downfall but the recent Russia-Ukraine war was the final nail in the coffin. This paper seeks to explore the downfall of the liberal international order and explain how the international institutions have failed to prevent or stop the Russian and Ukraine wars.  This paper also highlights the failure of Democratic peace theory and liberalism in the context of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. Lastly, the paper concludes that a global response and efforts from international institutions are required to stop the threat of the largest military conflict since WWII.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS, International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-downfall-of-liberal-international-order-a-case-study-of-russia-and-ukraine-war</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394846</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Fiscal Federalism: An Analysis of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa&apos;s Share in the National Resources in the Post-18th Amendment Period</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hansa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>CCI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Fiscal Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NFC Award</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>18th Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Decentralization of power and distribution of resources has remained a contentious issue between the Federal government and provincial governments in Pakistan. The 7th NFC award and 18th amendment to the constitution have further strengthened the federalist structure in Pakistan by adopting multiple criteria and ensuring provincial autonomy respectively. The Constitution of 1973 provided a well-structured mechanism for fair and just distribution of resources and inter-governmental harmony in the form of NFC and CCI and offered solutions to the contentious issue of distribution of power. Khyber Pakhtunkhwa is blessed with abundant natural resources in the form of water resources, crude oil production, natural gas and LPG and making extensive contributions to the energy sector of Pakistan. Although the constitution of Pakistan, in theory, is clear regarding revenue distribution the cleavages in its practical implementation in the context of the fiscal relationship between the federal government and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa are creating hurdles in their smooth relation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/fiscal-federalism-an-analysis-of-khyber-pakhtunkhwas-share-in-the-national-resources-in-the-post18th-amendment-period</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394847</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The &apos;Othering&apos; of China in Media Discourse: A COVID-19  Scenario</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Gul e Abid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saadia Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abida Ayesha</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>COVID-19</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>&quot;Othering&quot; and Ideological Square</dc:subject>
<dc:description>At the outbreak of COVID-19, China was remarkably in the spotlight and caught reasonable coverage by the international media. The study analyses the ideological discourse produced by the media depicting the “othering” of China by employing Van Dijk’s Ideological Square (2006) as its theoretical bearing, and further draws a comparison between the representation of both Canada and China by the Canadian newspaper ‘The Globe and Mail’. Findings depict that terms like “Chinese Government”, “China” and ”Chinese Citizens” formulate the main subjects of the ideological discourse regarding China’s image. Many rhetorical devices like number games, news source adoption, illustration, irony, implication, vagueness and comparison have also been highlighted to discuss China&apos;s image represented in the media.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, Department of English, Foundation University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Modern Languages, Al Zahra College for Women, Muscat, Oman.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Modern Languages, Al Zahra College for Women, Muscat, Oman.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-othering-of-china-in-media-discourse-a-covid19-scenario</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394871</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Use of Social Media and Construction of Political Intolerance: Analyzing the Effects of Twitter (X) and Facebook</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Khurram Ali Mehran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mohammed Zafar Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Media Users</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Facebook</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Twitter (X)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Intolerance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious Intolerance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research is aimed at getting an insight into how social media platforms particularly Facebook and Twitter (X) are being used by Pakistani users to display political intolerance. Both platforms are being actively used to put forward opinions on users&apos; political and religious views. Employing the survey method along with quantitative and qualitative research techniques, it makes a systematic effort to explore social media usage patterns among users and how they use them to express their religious and political thoughts. The study also attempts to discuss and set the contours of political and religious intolerance with relevance to the research. The interdependence between the usage of social media platforms and the progression of intolerant behaviour is also brought into focus through this research.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Media and Communication Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies &amp; Dean of Social Sciences, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/use-of-social-media-and-construction-of-political-intolerance-analyzing-the-effects-of-twitter-x-and-facebook</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394872</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Katas Raj: A Road Towards Peace and Harmony</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Umbreen Akhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Katas Raj</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Archaeology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Temples</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious Tourism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Katas Raj is momentous for many religions because of its more than a dozen sacred monuments. These monuments belong to Sikhism, Buddhism, Shaivism, Vaishnavism and Hinduism. It is compelling for Sikhs because of the historic Hari Singh Nalwa fort. It is cogent for Buddhists because of the ancient stupa of Asoka. Katas Raj is much more symbolic for the Hindus; every year several Hindus visit this place, perform holy baths and fill their pitchers with the holy water of Katas Raj; they assume the water; is the tears of Lord Shiva. As per the Hindu tradsitions, Katas Raj has the second holiest water; after the water of the River Ganges. With the government&apos;s efforts, this site can also be placed in the World Heritage Sites by UNESCO. The current study finds positive management policies for the protection and promotion of the Katas Raj group of temples.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer Pakistan Studies, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/katas-raj-a-road-towards-peace-and-harmony</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394925</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Democracy v/s Dictatorship in Pakistan: Evaluating the Impact of Political Regimes on Pakistan-India Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Usman Ghani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shoaib</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mah Noor Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dictatorship</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pak-India Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Regime</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan is a South-Asian state having a history of instability since independence. The instability is majorly a contribution by continuous political changes which had been an important aspect in shaping Pakistan-India relations. This study examines the impact of political regimes on Pakistan- India relations through a comparative analysis of dictatorships and democratic governments in Pakistan. The research aims to evaluate whether the nature of the political regime in Pakistan influences its relations with India. The study uses a mixed-methods approach to analyze the historical and contemporary bilateral relations between Pakistan and India under different political regimes in Pakistan. The findings of this research contribute to the understanding of the factors that shape Pakistan-India relations and highlight the importance of political regimes in shaping foreign policy. The results suggest that democratic governments in Pakistan have had a relatively more positive impact on bilateral relations with India compared to dictatorships.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Public Administration, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Public Administration, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Student, Department of Public Administration, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/democracy-vs-dictatorship-in-pakistan-evaluating-the-impact-of-political-regimes-on-pakistanindia-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394962</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>India and Pakistan Trade: A Vision for Peace</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asfandiyar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fiza Rani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Parwanat Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trade</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Globalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Interdependence</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Indo-Pak relations have always been the victim of up and down. Both of the countries are nuclear powers. They have a big potential in every field and trade is one of them. There are different opinions about trade; trade has the potential to shape the relationship better and to develop peace among the countries but on the other hand, it may become a source of conflict or contention. In the context of Pakistan and India, the relations between trade and peace are complicated due to their extreme rivalry since its inception. This paper investigates that whether trade can be an instrument of peace between two nuclear powers of South Asia. This study is purely Qualitative in nature. Primary and secondary data are collected from different sources and the data is analyzed by NVIVO software.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS (International Relations), Department of Humanities, COMSATS University Islamabad Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS (International Relations), Department of Humanities, COMSATS University Islamabad Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS (International Relations), Department of Humanities, COMSATS University Islamabad Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/india-and-pakistan-trade-a-vision-for-peace</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394963</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Socio Cultural Challenges Faced by Transgender: A Study of Islamabad</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maria Akram</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sahibzada Adil Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zainab Baig</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Socio-cultural</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transgender</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Marginalized Community</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Intersectionality</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research investigates the socio-cultural challenges confronted by transgender individuals in Islamabad, offering a nuanced exploration of their lived experiences within the unique cultural context of Pakistan&apos;s capital. Through in depth interviews and thematic analysis, the study highlights the complex interplay of societal norms, cultural attitudes, and religious influences that shape the transgender experience in Islamabad. It unravels the multifaceted challenges faced by this marginalized community, emphasizing the intersectionality of factors such as class, ethnicity, and education. the research unveils a tapestry of transgender experiences, acknowledging the variability of obstacles encountered. The findings contribute not only to academic discourse but also inform policymakers and advocacy efforts aimed at fostering inclusivity and addressing the specific socio-cultural barriers faced by transgender individuals in Islamabad. Ultimately, this study endeavors to deepen understanding and promote positive societal change for a more equitable and supportive environment for the transgender community in the Pakistani capital.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Khyber Law College, University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of International Relations, University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakisatn.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, School of Politics and International Relations, Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/socio-cultural-challenges-faced-by-transgender-a-study-of-islamabad</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394964</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Beyond the Realms of Formal Justice: Critically Analyzing Pakistan&apos;s Standing at WJP Rule of Law</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aisha Rasool</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kamran Abdullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Rule of Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>WJP (World Justice Project)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Index</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Accountable Government</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Access to Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Good Laws</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constraints on Government</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Judiciary</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Regretfully, Pakistan stands at 130th out of 139 countries in WJP’s report observance of the rule of law (World Justice Project, 2022). Despite the fact that World Justice Project is a Multidisciplinary collaboration which prepares its reports on the basis of certain principles including the answerable government, good laws and Access to justice etc (Agrast et al., 2012). This paper aims to comprehend the approach and modus operandi of WJP reports on adherence to Rule of Law. It further depicts the tactic used to establish the WJP Rule of Law Index. The main theme of the paper is to rectify the layman’s approach in understanding WJP report on adherence to rule of Law, carve up the onus on all the institutions fairly and discern whom to blame for the sole purpose of finding out where to improve.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Director, Research &amp; Publications Federal Judicial Academy, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Additional Registrar, Appellate Tribunal for Inland Revenue, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/beyond-the-realms-of-formal-justice-critically-analyzing-pakistans-standing-at-wjp-rule-of-law</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394965</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Daronomics: The Dynamics of Economic Dependency in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hafsa Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sohail Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Brekhna Gul</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Daronomics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan&apos;s Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Policies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gross Domestic Product (GDP)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Dependency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan&apos; National Currency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy and Economic Dependence</dc:subject>
<dc:description> An economist from Pakistan named Dr Ishrat Hussain created the word &quot;daronomics&quot; to describe the complicated connection between economic and political affairs in Pakistan. It stands out for its weak economic growth, sizable population, and complicated political system. Daronomics basically refers to Ishaq Dar&apos;s way of dealing with the economy of Pakistan. Daronomics refers to the valuation of local currency by artificially controlling the exchange rates. Daronomics has a significant impact on Pakistan&apos;s economy. The paper explores the linkage between economic dependence and foreign policy and identifies the problems in these two leading sectors of the state of Pakistan. This paper is based on data from secondary sources, including academic studies, journalistic sources, and reports from local, national, and international institutions and organizations. The research found that daronomics had been a critical term to Pakistan&apos;s dependency on foreign financial support.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Master, Department of International Relations, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Economics, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/daronomics-the-dynamics-of-economic-dependency-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394966</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Oil and Geopolitics in the Middle East: An Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sahibzada Adil Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International System</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Power</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper revolves around the history of oil and geopolitics with a brief context of how oil has played its role in the Industrial Revolution. The study of major oil-producing states of the Middle East, its significance, and the study of oil and politics in the international system. After reading this paper there would be a brief awareness of how oil-producing states are influenced. Historically, the discovery of oil in the Middle East has transformed the geopolitical dynamics of the region, attracting the interest of major global powers. The establishment of oil-producing states has led to both cooperation and competition among nations, with oil serving as a geopolitical tool that influences alliances, conflicts, and foreign policies. Additionally, the region&apos;s reliance on oil revenues has shaped domestic politics, contributing to the rise of authoritarian regimes and political instability.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department Of International Relations, University of Peshawar, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/oil-and-geopolitics-in-the-middle-east-an-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:394919</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Five Faces of Oppression in Ayesha Baqir&apos;s Beyond the Fields</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdur Rauf</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ahmad Naeem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Khan Sardaraz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Exploitation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Marginalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Powerlessness</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cultural Imperialism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Violence</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research article analyses Ayesha Baqir’s Beyond the Fields (2019) using Iris Young’s model of ‘Five Faces of Oppression’. Baqir’s novel highlights the oppressive ideology that forces women to be subservient to male hegemonic values, traditions, and honour. The novel is evaluated to demonstrate the ways through which men exert their powers over women. Young&apos;s model shows how women become oppressed and marginalized groups of society and exploited at the hands of cultural norms. This research article will be an effort to create awareness among Pakistani women to believe in themselves and to fight hard to get what is rightfully theirs. Moreover, it will also be an attempt to open doors for future researchers to analyze literary texts through which they can raise such issues of exploitation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English Language and Literature, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English Language and Literature, Gomal University, Dera Ismail Khan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Registrar, University of Science and Technology, Bannu, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/five-faces-of-oppression-in-ayesha-baqirs-beyond-the-fields</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395064</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Power Struggle liberating Class Consciousness: A Marxist Analysis of the Novel &quot;The Verdict&quot; by Osman Hanif</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amara Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Class Struggle</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Class Consciousness</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Marxism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>The Verdict</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study is an exploration of Osman Hameed’s novel &quot;The Verdict&quot; through a Marxist lens. The study aims to investigate the conflict between the proletariat and the bourgeois class, as well as the power struggle between them, which results in class consciousness. The research follows a transformative paradigm.The research is qualitative in nature. We analyze the textual lines using a Marxist lens. The findings reveal contrasting differences between classes, with the bourgeoisie class maintaining hegemony and marginalizing the proletariat class through legal, physical, psychological, and economic oppression. Furthermore, this class struggle contributes to the development of class consciousness in the proletariat. The study is significant as it contributes to understanding the power structures and the class struggle in society.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate professor, Department of English, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/power-struggle-liberating-class-consciousness-a-marxist-analysis-of-the-novel-the-verdict-by-osman-hanif</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395074</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Dynamics of Malaysia-Pakistan Relations: Historical Perspective and Contemporary Challenges in the 21st Century</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Arif Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mehdi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ismail</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Malaysia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bilateral Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Historical Perspective</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Contemporary Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The relations between Malaysia and Pakistan have historically been characterized by cultural affinity, economic cooperation, and diplomatic collaboration. Rooted in shared historical ties and cultural connections, these two nations have fostered bilateral relations that have strengthened over time. However, in the contemporary context of the 21st century, both countries face a set of challenges that require careful navigation to maintain and enhance their relationship. Geopolitical upheavals, economic volatility, and worries about regional security are some of these difficulties. Notwithstanding these challenges, trade, people-to-people contacts, and diplomatic engagement all present chances for Malaysia and Pakistan to strengthen their alliance. For both nations to properly navigate their relationship and reach the full potential of their bilateral cooperation in the modern period, an understanding of the historical dynamics and current problems is important.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of Politics and International Studies, Karakoram International University, Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of Politics and International Studies, Karakoram International University, Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Politics and International Studies, Karakoram International University, Gilgit-Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/dynamics-of-malaysiapakistan-relations-historical-perspective-and-contemporary-challenges-in-the-21st-century</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395075</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Stylistic Analysis of Islamophobic Features in Selected Speeches of Ex-Prime Minister of Pakistan Mr. Imran Khan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Noor Ul Ain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sehrish Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Anwar Farooq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Stylistics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Analytical Techniques</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islamophobia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PM Imran Khan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>U.N.G.A.</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Figurative Language</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Semantic Features</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Persuasive Elements.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Stylistics comprises semantic, syntactic, and lexical analysis. Following the method of analysis outlined by Fairclough (1993), this study provides a theoretical analysis of former Prime Minister Imran Khan&apos;s Islamophobia-focused speeches in his speeches to the Organization of Islamic Conference and UN General Assembly. Through this analysis, the study aims to reveal the underlying reasons for Prime Minister Imran Khan&apos;s comments revealing his concerns about the Islamophobic tendencies of non-Muslims. It not only researches language content but also identifies supporting ideas for target speakers. Concerns about Islamophobia were most convincingly expressed through the narrative of the Pakistani president, who used rhetorical devices to announce his position around the world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Khwaja Fareed University of Engineering &amp; Information Technology (KFUEIT), Rahim Yar Khan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Khwaja Fareed University of Engineering &amp; Information Technology (KFUEIT), Rahim Yar Khan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, Khwaja Fareed University of Engineering &amp; Information Technology (KFUEIT), Rahim Yar Khan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/stylistic-analysis-of-islamophobic-features-in-selected-speeches-of-exprime-minister-of-pakistan-mr-imran-khan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395088</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Facts and Figures: Minorities, Human Rights Violation in Pakistan, and Government Initiative to Counter Such Violations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Badar Jamil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Tahir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Minorities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights Violations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious Persecution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discrimination</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Blasphemy Laws</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sectarian Violence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Forced Conversions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Targeted Killings</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legal Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Law Enforcement.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the instant Article, we will analyze the reports, articles, and surveys conducted in Pakistan regarding Human Rights Violation to the Minorities groups, although Pakistan is known for its liberal thoughts and cultural diversity, some extremist groups all over Pakistan target minority group some time due to religious sentiments, some time due to political reason and some time for their own personal needs. Human Rights Watch and HRCP highlighted the Rights violations of such individual groups in their yearly reports each year. We have mentioned the recommendation with figures, wherein it was seen that the High Numbers of Population group is fleeing away from the country, whereas the role of Government in tackling the issue is also commendable by various press releases, they have made their positive contribution in fighting against violations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Law, University of Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Law, University of Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/facts-and-figures-minorities-human-rights-violation-in-pakistan-and-government-initiative-to-counter-such-violations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395094</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Conflict Resolution vs. Conflict Aggravation: Role of Pakistani Newspapers in Portraying Civil-Military Conflicts (2008-2018)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hassan Siddique</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shazia Ismail Toor</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zaeem Yasin</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Conflict Resolution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Conflict Aggravation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civil-military Conflicts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Print Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Framing</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study discovers the framing of civil-military conflicts in Pakistani newspapers from 2008 and 2018. By examining editorial coverage in both English and Urdu publications, the study examines the role of the press in either resolving or aggravating civil-military conflicts. Findings reveal that English papers contributed more to the aggravation of tensions between civilian and military institutions, with 40.08pc of editorials falling into the conflict aggravation category. Meanwhile, only 20.33pc of Urdu editorials were found to exacerbate tensions. On the flip side, a significant portion of editorials in both languages focused on conflict resolution, emphasizing better civil-military relations. The study also highlights the distinct framing of civil-military relations between English and Urdu editorials, suggesting language choice influences media portrayals of these conflicts. Interestingly, the research found no significant difference in coverage based on political party tenures (2008 to 2013) and (2013- 2018).</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Deputy Director (Communication), Punjab Green Development Program, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, School of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Lahore College for Women University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/conflict-resolution-vs-conflict-aggravation-role-of-pakistani-newspapers-in-portraying-civilmilitary-conflicts-20082018</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395095</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Social Media Usage for Sharing Political Information among University Students in Sindh province, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Liaquat Umrani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdul Razaque Chhachhar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Qasim Nizamani</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Share political Information. University Students</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Social media is an important channel to share information as it provides free media platform to its users to exchange political information within online community. Users besides other fields also involve in sharing political information to educate and motivate others towards real political issues. To understand the effectiveness of political communication via social media feedback is an essential ingredient. Users give feedback in different ways including sharing political content on the network. Users on social media not only create political content but commonly involve in sharing political content that is closely related with their political attitudes and behavior. This study employs quantitative research design to collect data from 387 respondents from four general discipline universities of Sindh province Pakistan. The results revealed that university students in majority use social media for political purpose and share political information to educate masses. Furthermore Facebook comes first of the list in social networking.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Media and Communication Studies, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, University of Sindh, Jamshoro, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/social-media-usage-for-sharing-political-information-among-university-students-in-sindh-province-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395129</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Empowering Opinions: The Role of Political Parties in Enhancing Political Participation in Gilgit- Baltistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Asif Mehdi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhmmad Ismail</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kousar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political Participation Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gilgit-Baltistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civic Engagement Democratic Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study explores the crucial role of political parties in enhancing political participation in Gilgit-Baltistan, a region characterized by unique socio-political dynamics and historical marginalization within Pakistan. The strategies and activities of various political parties, this research seeks to understand how they influence political engagement among the local population. This study examines the pivotal role political parties play in enhancing political participation in Gilgit-Baltistan, a region of strategic significance in Pakistan. By analyzing the dynamics of political engagement, this research highlights how political parties act as conduits for citizen involvement in the political process. The study delves into the mechanisms through which parties mobilize support, foster civic awareness, and facilitate voter turnout, emphasizing the unique socio-political landscape of Gilgit-Baltistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Politics and International Studies, Karakoram International University, Gilgit, Gilgit Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Politics and International Studies karakorum international University Gilgit, Gilgit Baltistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Superior University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/empowering-opinions-the-role-of-political-parties-in-enhancing-political-participation-in-gilgit-baltistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395144</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Post-Merger Political and Social Dynamics: Fata&apos;s Shifting Paradigm in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Adnan Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Qasim Shahzad Gill</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>FATA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>KP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Merger</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Local Government</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Administration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Police</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Judiciary</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>TTP</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research analyzes the perceptions and experiences of individuals from the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) following its merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). The study employs a mixed approach, collecting primary data through random sampling from various districts of FATA, including students, teachers, social activists, politicians, and government servants. The analysis reveals a divided sentiment regarding the merger, with nearly half of the respondents expressing dissatisfaction. Major concerns include the lack of improvement in governance, ineffective law enforcement, and worsening security conditions. The traditional Jirga system is still preferred over the new judicial framework by a majority, highlighting cultural and practical considerations. Findings indicate that the merger has not achieved its desired outcomes, with the Deputy Commissioners operating similarly to the previous Political Agents, and the former Levies and Khasadars remaining ineffective as a police force. Policy recommendations emphasize the need for honoring merger-related promises and improving peace and security.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD, Johnson Shoyama Graduate School of Public Policy, University of Saskatchewan, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan, Canada.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/postmerger-political-and-social-dynamics-fatas-shifting-paradigm-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395207</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Women&apos;s Empowerment in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tooba Zulfiqar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Empowerment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Opportunities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender Equality</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Technology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sustainable Development</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the light of globalization and technical breakthroughs, this study examines the complex history, current issues, and potential future directions of women&apos;s empowerment in Pakistan. This article starts with the moral obligation and societal advantages of gender equality before diving into the historical viewpoints of women&apos;s empowerment in Pakistan highlighting significant individuals and occasions, such as General Zia-ul-Haq&apos;s regime and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan&apos;s support for women&apos;s education. Opportunities for reaching gender parity through legislative reforms and political leadership are analyzed. Further, there is a focus on reasons why technology contributes to women&apos;s empowerment, especially in the aspects of economic, educational, and informational opportunities. Idea considered in this article is that education plays a crucial part in the liberation of women, the issue of gender equality as the key to sustainable development, and people&apos;s and governments&apos; mutual cooperation in the face of retained inequality and the need for gender equality.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M. Phil Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/womens-empowerment-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395236</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Blasphemy in the Electoral Politics of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Azhar Zeeshan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Blasphemy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper aims to contribute to the existing corpus of literature on the role of religion in Pakistan&apos;s politics by taking the issue of blasphemy as a central variable. The research examines how the issue of blasphemy is used in Pakistan&apos;s politics by the mainstream political parties across the political spectrum, from far-right to center-left, by analyzing the parties&apos; slogans, manifestos, rhetoric, and mobilization tactics in the 2018 general elections. To make sense of why these parties are utilizing blasphemy as a political tool, the paper also employs a conceptual framework towards the end of the paper. By understanding how blasphemy is instrumentalized in the country’s politics, the paper seeks to provide a fresh perspective on the interplay between religion, and politics in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of History, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/blasphemy-in-the-electoral-politics-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395266</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Framing of Afghan Taliban Regime (2022) in Pashto Press: An Analysis of Daily Hewad &amp; Daily Wahdat</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mohammad Amjad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rooh Ul Amin Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bin Yamin Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Framing Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Print Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Taliban  Regime</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Content Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research article is an attempt to understand the depiction of the Taliban government in two Pashto dailies Daily Wahdat (Pakistan) and Daily Hewad (Afghanistan). Using the mixed-method approach the current study investigates the way media organizations selectively portray different events and themes. The results show that both the dailies had focused on the conflict narrative &amp; emphasized the controversial nature of the Taliban rule. The Pakistani daily &quot;Wahdat&quot; is found to follow the narrative and persuasive strategies for news to shape public opinion however, the Afghanistan-based Pashto daily, &quot;Hewad&quot; tends to follow analytical and detailed stories for their audience. Both the dailies used numerous frames, techniques, and tones to demonstrate the impact of media framing on public discourse.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of Media &amp; Communication Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media &amp; Communication Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Communication &amp; Media Studies, Hazara University, Mansehra, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/framing-of-afghan-taliban-regime-2022-in-pashto-press-an-analysis-of-daily-hewad-amp-daily-wahdat</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395332</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Framework for Policies on Affordable Housing: Expanding Access and Government Involvement</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shahid Rizwan Baig</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Lubna Ghulam Sarwar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Framework</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Policies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Government</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Housing</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper presents a policy framework for affordable housing, emphasizing increased access and government involvement. It outlines strategies such as optimizing land use through higher Floor Area Ratios, resolving land titling issues, and utilizing government-held lands for housing projects. The paper discusses removing procedural obstacles, supporting subsidies for low-income households, and the need for coordinated urban and transport planning. Evaluating initiatives like Housing for All by 2022 and Rajiv Awas Yojana, the study critiques existing policies for their limited impact on the broader population and calls for fundamental changes. By advocating for a holistic approach, the paper aims to enhance access to affordable housing and promote effective government participation in policy implementation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, College of Law, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Government Graduate College for Women, Ali Pur Chattha, Wazirabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/framework-for-policies-on-affordable-housing-expanding-access-and-government-involvement</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-I).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395117</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A Critique on Rhetorical Devices Used by Pakistani Politicians to Increase their Vote Bank A Critical Discourse Analysis of Urdu Newspapers&apos; Headline</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Badal Ram Marwari</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mir Allah Dino</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rahmat Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Use of Rhetoric</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Manipulation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Influence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PIMI Model</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research study has investigated how Pakistani politicians use rhetoric in their addresses during the election campaigns 2024 to persuade their voters. The sole purpose of this research is to discover the dimensions and power of Rhetorical devices used by Pakistani politicians for their personal objectives. It has explored how politicians grab the attention of the public by using rhetorical choices in their discourses. The best and most frequent uses of Rhetorical devices by politicians are antithesis, allusion repetition, hyperbole, metaphor amplification, alliteration, parallelism, symbolism, allegory, and imagery. The current research study employs the Power, Ideology, and Manipulation Identification (PIMI) model, a novel problemâ€ oriented tool designed for the systematic examination of political discourse. This model integrates and adapts elements from two established analytical frameworks (Chilton &amp; Schäffner, 1997; van Dijk, 2006) and is rooted in the theories and methodologies of Critical DiscoursemAnalysis (CDA).</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Peoples University of Medical and Health Sciences, Nawabshah, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Senior English Teacher, Sultan Muhammad Shah Aga Khan School, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of English, Iqra University, Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/a-critique-on-rhetorical-devices-used-by-pakistani-politicians-to-increase-their-vote-bank-a-critical-discourse-analysis-of-urdu-newspapers-headline</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395121</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of Ministry of Climate Change in Raising Social Responsibility: An Anthropological Audit</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kaynat Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Responsibility</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Anthropology</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The title of the research is &quot;Role of Ministry of Climate Change in Raising Social Responsibility. An Anthropological Audit. The climate of the earth is not static over the course of billions of years it has undergone numerous transformations as a result of natural phenomena like sunspots and ice ages. However, in today&apos;s climate change discussion, they are referring to the climate change that has occurred over the past 100 years as an effect of anthropological actions. Climate change is a global problem that must be solved right away and has long-term repercussions for all nations&apos; sustainable development. Climate change is a pressing global challenge with far- reaching social and environmental implications. However, there is a lack of comprehensive understanding regarding the ministry&apos;s effectiveness in shaping social responsibility and the anthropological factors that influence this process.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of Anthropology, Pir Mehr Ali Shah Arid Agriculture University Rawalpindi (PMAS AAUR), Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Anthropology, Pir Mehr Ali Shah Arid Agriculture University (PMAS AAUR), Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-ministry-of-climate-change-in-raising-social-responsibility-an-anthropological-audit</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395123</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Dynamics of Pakistan-Russia Relations in the 21st Century and the Role of U.S. Influence</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Qamar Zaman Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Wakil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>USA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multilateralism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This qualitative study aims to evaluate the influence of the US and the possibility of Pakistan developing strategic relations with Russia in the 21st century. Historical legacies, an overemphasis on Western dependency and Pakistan&apos;s Endocentric viewpoint have all tarnished relations between Pakistan and Russia. Although their relationship has had numerous highs and lows, viewing Russia through Indian eyes and Pakistan through a Western lens. In the context of 21st-century regional stability, economic cooperation, and defense collaboration, the research looks at the evolving dynamics of Pakistan&apos;s relationship with Russia. PTI&apos;s government sought to strengthen economic relations with Russia. Initiatives have been made to explore investment opportunities. However, the Premier visit was not liked by the US which is evident that the foreign policy of Pakistan is influenced by America throughout. Pakistan should establish long-term relations with Russia as a trading partner which may not affect relations US.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-dynamics-of-pakistanrussia-relations-in-the-21st-century-and-the-role-of-us-influence</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395138</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Socio-Political Underpinnings in Intizar Hussain&apos;s Basti: A Critical Discourse Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shamaila Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Akbar Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Quratulain Qaiser</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Three Dimensional Model of Fairclough</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CDA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>1971 War</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sociopolitical Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Displacement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Despair</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Basti</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The 1979 Urdu release of Intizar Hussain&apos;s book &quot;Basti&quot; was followed by an English translation. It was written against the backdrop of the 1971 political tension, as well as the 1947 events of the establishment of Pakistan and the division of India. The article looks at issues like identity, displacement, and the socio-political changes people went through at these raging times in history. Discourse is taken for analysis from the translated novel by Frances W. Pritchet with the same name, Basti. The research is qualitative in nature and the text is analyzed in the sociopolitical domain of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The study deals with the application of Fairclough’s version of the Dimensional model of CDA. Furthermore, it unearths notions like social, cultural, and political besides memory loss and despair in relation to the aforementioned text.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Languages, The University of Chenab, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Languages, The University of Chenab, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Languages, The University of Chenab, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/sociopolitical-underpinnings-in-intizar-hussains-basti-a-critical-discourse-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395155</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Navigating Judicial Precedents: A Comprehensive Analysis of the Legal Landscape Governing Bail in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ameer Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mirza Shahid Rizwan Baig</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Bail</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Judicial</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Precedents</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The working of the criminal justice system in Pakistan isfaced with many challenges in dispensing justice; one such thorny issue is the question of bail. This paper has tried to delve deep into the relevant laws and court judgments governing the grant of bail in Pakistan and their practice. It explores the guiding principles and standards for granting or refusing bail, taking into account elements including the seriousness of the crime, the possibility of the accused escaping. The study further investigates the implications of the bail procedure on the social justice administration process, considering its effects on victims&apos; and accused persons&apos; rights and general efficiency in the criminal justice system. This paper attempts to understand the dynamics of bail in the Pakistani criminal justice system and to arguefor its impact on human rights, access to justice, and the efficient functioning of the legal process.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Advocate, High Court, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Law, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/navigating-judicial-precedents-a-comprehensive-analysis-of-the-legal-landscape-governing-bail-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395156</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The New World Order: Geopolitical Shifts in the Post-Cold War Era</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Usman Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Javeria Kanwal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Bin Liaqat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>New World Order</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>North-South Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Post-Cold War Era</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitical Shifts</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The end of the Cold War marked a pivotal moment in global history, widely seen as the commencement of the &quot;New World Order.&quot; The new world order in the post-cold war witnesses the decrease in the powers of classical states and their inter-states matters for restoring international peace, and emerging of other threats like religious militancy, ethnic conflicts, unfair economic competition, north-south conflict, terrorism, etc. This research presents a comprehensive analysis of the challenges, dynamics and potential of the post-Cold War era. This research aims to explore the complexities of “New World Order” in post-Cold War era in international relations through an examination of global political, economic, and socio-cultural transformations, to analyze the geopolitical landscape by focusing on the increasing involvement of non-state players during the post-Cold War era in reshaping economies, society, and conflict dynamics. The study utilizes qualitative research approach to conduct this study.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of International Relations, Kinniad College for Women University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-new-world-order-geopolitical-shifts-in-the-postcold-war-era</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395192</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Prospects of Pakistan-Afghanistan Trade: A New Economic Geography Approach</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mommen Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sher Ali Kakar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghanistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transit Trade</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>bilateral trade</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New Economic Geographic Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research examines the prospects of Pakistan- Afghanistan trade through the lens of new economic geography theory. The study focuses on bilateral trade between the two countries and Central Asian Republics, transit trade. Pakistan`s geographic location makes it an important country in the region for facilitating global connectivity and fostering trade with neighboring nations, providing access to world markets through its seaports and land routes. Pakistan is an important country for Afghanistan. Afghanistan, being a landlocked country, relies on Pakistan for access to international markets. On the other hand, Afghanistan provides access to Pakistan to energy-rich Central Asian Republics(CARs). The study finds that despite the significant geographical locations of Afghanistan and Pakistan bilateral trade between the two countries is behind its true potential while the transit trade facilities are being misused. The study also examines the factors hindering the full potential of Pak-Afghan bilateral and transit trade and provides policy recommendations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Research Assistant, Balochistan Think Tank Network (BTTN), Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Officer, Balochistan Think Tank Network (BTTN), Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/prospects-of-pakistanafghanistan-trade-a-new-economic-geography-approach</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395218</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Autonomy of Higher Education Sector in Post-18th Constitutional Amendment Era: Challenges and Prospects</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Quaisar Mahmood Farukh</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hafiz Aziz-ur-Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>HEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ordinance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Financial Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The current study tries to comprehend whether the devolution of power as envisaged by the 18th Amendment is reflected and incorporated in the existing Legislative Framework of Higher Education. Theoretically, the 18th amendment strengthened the federal structure where federating units are empowered to make their own decisions without external interference; however, practically Apex Courts are backing the HEC to have a strong hold on provincial commissions while enjoying the absolute authority in the name of cooperative Federalism. The study revolves around the changing role of the HEC at the Federal level and the newly emerging role of HECs at the provincial level. The study revolves around the role of Higher Courts in impacting and reshaping the existing regulatory framework. The conclusions showed that universities enjoy more substantive autonomy and less procedural autonomy; therefore, HECs have to respect other Provincial HECs as mandated by the Eighteenth Amendment while transferring powers pragmatically to provincial HECs.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Law, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor &amp; Director, School of Law, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/autonomy-of-higher-education-sector-in-post18th-constitutional-amendment-era-challenges-and-prospects</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395223</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring Media Narratives: A Qualitative Study of the Hijab Ban Coverage in Indian News Channels</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hassan Mehdi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mohsin Hassan Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shanawer Rafique</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Hijab</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Veil</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islamophobia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indian Muslims</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hijab and Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Muskan Khan, a hijab-wearing Muslim student, was chased and intimidated by the majority of Hindu students of her college, but she refused to be cowed down raising the slogan Allah o Akbar. The incident gained international fame and she was given the title of hijab girl. Indian TV channels, The Republic World, Time Now, NDTV, and India Today, covered the incident. In this qualitative research, the researchers analyzed hijab coverage in current events and TV shows on the said TV channels. The findings revealed that the Indian Muslim minority was demonized in the media, and TV news programs in the country aired anti- hijab programming, equating the head covering with terrorism. The Indian news channel anchors and guests exaggerated, fabricated, and twisted the on-air content to create hatred against the hijab and Islam. They subtly showed their anti-Muslim political leanings in the content they produced and blamed Islam for the adversity.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Researcher, University of Gothenburg, Sweden.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Senior Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, Bahria University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Senior Officerâ€Metadata Editor, Department Knowledge and Research Support Services (KRSS), University of Management and Technology, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/exploring-media-narratives-a-qualitative-study-of-the-hijab-ban-coverage-in-indian-news-channels</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395231</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Populist Politics in Pakistan: Case Study of Pakistan Tehreek-I- Insaf Regime</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Irram Nazish</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Munazza Mubarak</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uzma Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PTI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Donald Trump</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military Establishment</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The advent of right-wing populist parties in Europe and America has given populist politics in South Asia more clout. There has been a lot of discussion among political analysts about how the rise of populist governments around the world is likely to undermine established democracies and eventually impede democratic advancement in developing countries. The research paper gives deep insights of populist regime of PTI and shedding light on frequent democratic decline in the country owing to this style of politics and also exploring that democracy has been inflicted by the populist politics is critical discourse of contemporary times and particularly in the context of Pakistan. The paper finds out that owing to its populist politics, the PTI government subverted the process of democratic development in the country, stifled the dissenting voices and curtailed the freedom of media.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/populist-politics-in-pakistan-case-study-of-pakistan-tehreeki-insaf-regime</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395232</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Women&apos;s Political Participation in District Dir Lower: An Analysis of Local Government Election-2022</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Umar Zaman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kausar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Musaddique Zahid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Elections Act 2017</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>ECP</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Women Participation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>KPCSW</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>DCSW</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Several things have influenced the political participation of females in the Local Government Elections 2022 in district Dir Lower, KPK, Pakistan. Female political participation was very poor as compared to men in the district. Although, after the introduction of the Elections Act, of 2017, the participation of females has been raised in elections the role of the ECP was still not effective despite the fact that various administrative and legislative powers were vested in it. As a consequence of this study, multifarious factors were uncovered due to which female political participation was very low including, meager resources, cultural issues, administrative factors, and absence of political consciousness, etc. To overcome the fundamental issues faced by females regarding political participation the results of the study urge for more advocacy and the making of policies at both national and provincial levels.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, Qurtuba University of Science &amp; Information Technology Hayatabad, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Political Science, Women University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Department of Political Science &amp; IR, Qurtuba University of Science &amp; Information Technology Hayatabad, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/womens-political-participation-in-district-dir-lower-an-analysis-of-local-government-election2022</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395325</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Framing of Political News in Pakistani Newspapers: Comparative Analysis of Vote of No Confidence Campaign Issue 2022</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Shabbir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Qamar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadaf Irtaza</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Framing Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political News</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Vote of No Confidence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Newspapers</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan has always gone through political instability since its inception.(Zahid, A, et al.,2021).The study investigated the role of leading Pakistani newspapers during the vote on the issue of no-confidence. Two newspapers, Dawn News(English) and The Daily Jang(Urdu) were selected for comparative framing analysis. Content analysis using the Categorization Scheme, with pre-established categories developed with the Framing theory as a basis, is employed. Five different frames determined by Semetko and Volkenburg(2000) are observed in the selected newspapers. The result of this study showed that there was a significant difference between the coverage of Dawn News and The Daily Jang. The conflict frame was dominant in The Daily Jang, whereas the responsibility frame was dominant in Dawn News&apos; coverage. Dawn News presented a more neutral Slant than The Daily Jang. Future studies will be done with a larger sample of newspapers and qualitative interviews with editors to gain insight into political issues.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Mphil Scholar, Fatima Jinnah Women&apos;s University Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant. Professor, Fatima Jinnah Women University Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media Studies, University of Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/framing-of-political-news-in-pakistani-newspapers-comparative-analysis-of-vote-of-no-confidence-campaign-issue-2022</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395559</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Peasant&apos;s Uprisings in British Colonial India: A Case Study of NWFP (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mohammad Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muzakir Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kiramat Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Ghala Dher</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Movement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Proletariat</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Kisan Jirga</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Marxist-Leninist</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Tenancy Act of 1887 in British colonial India, followed by the eviction drive of peasants from their homes and lands in NWFP(present-day Khyber Pakhtunkhwa)offers as an appropriate unit for scholarly attention to the land rights movement in Pakistan.The peasants of the British India were living a miserable life because of the newly imposed taxes of landed elites and were turning against the landed elites, while around the same time Marxist-Leninist ideology was making impact in the art, literature, and politics of the historic NWFP which changed the dynamics of resistance movement.The establishment and effective role of Kisan Jirga in 1930s organized the peasants of Ghala Dher, and Mufti Abad, who stood against the landed elites and opposed the British imperialism. It is therefore important to discuss and analyze the uprisings of British colonial India, with special focus on the peasant’s uprisings at Ghala Dher, and Mufti Abad of NWFP.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer/in-charge Chairman, Department of Pakistan Studie, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-peasants-uprisings-in-british-colonial-india-a-case-study-of-nwfp-khyber-pakhtunkhwa-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-II).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395285</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Syntactic and Rhetorical Analysis of Joe Biden’s Inaugural Speech at Washington D.C.</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aisha Farid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Sabboor Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nighat Farid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Syntactic and Rhetorical Devices</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Inaugural Speech</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Joe Biden</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Inaugural speech is the first chance for a president to engage the public in new strategies for success. Every inaugural speech is an example of the aims and objectives of the future. As president of America, Joe Biden has faced many challenges, including foreign affairs, a poor economy due to COVID-19, and, most importantly, American unity. The focus of the present investigation is to lead a stylistic examination from the viewpoint of syntax and rhetoric on Joe Biden&apos;s inaugural speech in Washington,D.C., on January 21, 2021. The researchers discovered that the speech is full of rhetorical and syntactic devices. The analysis revealed that the speech emphasized on unity and solidarity to preserve and promote American Identity through the excessive use of First-person pronouns and planned use of similes, repetitions, modality and conjunction. In this way, Biden made his speech productive and readily revealed his plans and motives to his audience.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Government College Women University, Sialkot, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of English, University of Sialkot, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Government College for Women, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/syntactic-and-rhetorical-analysis-of-joe-bidens-inaugural-speech-at-washington-dc</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395318</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Indo-American Relations during Donald Trump Era: Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maryam Shahbaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Bin Liaqat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Presidency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indo-US Nexus</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>2+2 Dialogue</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Howdy Modi</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Indo-American relations during the Donald Trump era undertook a noteworthy transformation, from January 20, 2017, to January 20, 2021. Major components of the relationship between Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and American President Donald Trump and the implications of their relationship for Pakistan are stated in this research. Throughout Trump&apos;s Presidency, there was a fusion of worries and strategic collaborations in Indo-US relations. The American administration recognized and admitted India as a vital player in the Indo-Pacific region to counterbalance China&apos;s rising influence there. This was mirrored in the &quot;2+2&quot; dialogues and the &quot;Howdy Modi&quot; event as these events indicated the firming of economic, military, and political assistance. The extending Indo-American cooperation carried serious implications for Pakistan&apos;s traditional alliance with the United States. The United States forced Pakistan to address subjects like terrorism and stability of the region and this pressure stressed bilateral ties.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/indoamerican-relations-during-donald-trump-era-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395328</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>A New Sanctified British Era of Architecture and Supremacy at Rawalpindi, Punjab Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kaniez Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mukhtar Ali Durrani</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shakirullah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sanctified</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>British Era</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Supremacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Churches</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Christians</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Church Architecture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Genera</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>British East India Company</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regime Change Operation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious Agenda.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article defines the ‘Church Architecture’ with its genera which was introduced by the British government to the Subcontinent. This architecture is a significant part of the cultural heritage and British Archaeology of Pakistan. ‘Church Architecture’ is still a center of attention for the general public and the Christian community in Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan. These “churches” were not only religious buildings of the British era but have always been the political and religious epicenters of British authorities. When the British East India Company was expanding its trading activities all over the subcontinent before 1849, simultaneously, ‘Company’ was trying to achieve the political and religious agenda of the British authorities. With combat skills, this trading company was able to meet the existing Sikh ruling powers on the battlefield, and the ‘Regime Change Operation’ ended, and the ‘British Era’ of architecture and supremacy emerged in Rawalpindi, Punjab Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor,  Department of Archaeology, Hazara University. Mānsehra, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor,  Department of Archaeology, Hazara University. Mānsehra, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor,  Department of Archaeology, Hazara University. Mānsehra, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/a-new-sanctified-british-era-of-architecture-and-supremacy-at-rawalpindi-punjab-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395364</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring the Role of Social Media in Bridging Knowledge Gaps and Shaping Political Activism in the 21st Century: A Study of Intervention Factors</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Khayam Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Khalid Sultan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Waqas Bin Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Role</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Knowledge Gap</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Intervention Factors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Awareness</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study investigates social media&apos;s role in bridging knowledge gaps, influencing its intervention in political activism, and shaping of 21st-century activism. The study used a quantitative research methodology to collect data from university students using self-developed questionnaires distributed online. The data was analyzed using SPSS version 25 and presented in descriptive statistics. The study explored that Social media can bridge socioeconomic gaps in political activation and awareness among students due to its interactive accessibility. High qualifications positively influence social media usage, suggesting that it can both increase and decrease knowledge gaps.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Media and Communication Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Media and Communication Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Media and Communication Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/exploring-the-role-of-social-media-in-bridging-knowledge-gaps-and-shaping-political-activism-in-the-21st-century-a-study-of-intervention-factors</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395382</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Judicial Activism in Pakistan and its Impacts on Tripartite Governance: Lessons from the US Constitutional Construct</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bakht Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Akhtar Ali Ansari</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tahir Mahmood</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Judicial Activism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Parliament</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Reko Diq</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>ICSID</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Suo Motu</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Separation of Powers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Constitution</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The judiciary played a significant role in the evolution of democracy in Pakistan. Throughout history, the military remained at the core of politics and as an avoidable stakeholder influenced the judiciary in validating its extraconstitutional actions. However, after 2009, the judiciary emerged as exceptionally independent invalidating extraconstitutional actions and stretching its authority to take up matters else within the jurisdictional province of the other state organs, resulting in judicial overstretch. Excessive judicial activism had evident adverse impacts on the equilibrium of the state organs, imposed financial liabilities, and compromised its dignity. By employing qualitative research methodology, this article considers the judiciary as a double-edged weapon and critically examines the cases where the judiciary deviated from the international treaty obligations, leaving the fragile economy of Pakistan to a blow of penalties. Lastly, the research contributes to what Pakistan can learn from the US Constitutional construct.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Postdoc Research Fellow, The University of Kansas School of Law (KU) Lawrence, Kansas 66045, USA.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>LL.M Scholar, University of Lahore (UOL), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>LLM Scholar, University of Lahore (UOL), Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/judicial-activism-in-pakistan-and-its-impacts-on-tripartite-governance-lessons-from-the-us-constitutional-construct</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395404</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan-Bangladesh Unresolved Issues During the Era of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajid</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bashir Hussain Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sapna Sardar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pak-Bangladesh Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hasina Wajid</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Stranded Pakistani</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Bihari Issue</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Apology issue</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research offers a thorough study of Pak-Bangladesh relations under the direction of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajid from her return to power in 2009 to the present. Understood within the larger framework of South Asian geopolitics, the study aims to clarify the evolution, dynamics, and subtleties of the bilateral relationship between Pakistan and Bangladesh. It looks at how interactions between the two countries have been shaped by historical legacies, home political environments, and regional as well as worldwide factors. The study is organized around themes of the historical background of Pak-Bangladesh relations, the effect of Sheikh Hasina&apos;s leadership on bilateral ties, the function of economic and trade alliances, and the influence of third-party countries and international organizations. Examined are important events, diplomatic interactions, and policy choices to find their underlying reasons and effects. Particularly under consideration are divisive topics including historical grievances, economic cooperation, security difficulties, and cultural diplomacy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistanbangladesh-unresolved-issues-during-the-era-of-prime-minister-sheikh-hasina-wajid</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395411</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>What Went Wrong? A Critique on Pakistan’s War on Terror</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sadia Nazeer</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anbarin Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nayab Saqib Ghani</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Collective Loss</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Personal Loss</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mourning</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trauma</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper explores the collective loss experienced by a family and a community of ‘Mir Ali’ in Fatima Bhutto’s The Shadow of the Crescent Moon (2013). By using Butler, 2003 and Moglen, 2005 theories of loss (personal and social), personal and collective mourning, and melancholia, the study reveals how people of Pakistan’s backward tribal area, Mir Ali, have suffered the trauma, loss, mourning and melancholy on personal and collective level during the ‘War on Terror’ by being alienated from their country. A detailed study of characters (Aman, Sammara, Mina, Hayat, and Sikandar) emphasizes how undermining it is to persons and families when they are tossed into rings of fire that expand and cause not only individual loss but irreparable communal or collective loss.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>English Educationist, Roots Millennium School, Khyber Campus, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/what-went-wrong-a-critique-on-pakistans-war-on-terror</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395420</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Evolving Balance of Power in the Middle East: Iran-Israel Standoff Shaping Iranian Foreign Policy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rida Tanvir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Syed Qandil Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Iran-Israel Strategic Rivalry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iranian Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Key Players in Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Iranian Proxies/Partners</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Israel-Iranian conflict can be considered a major contributor to changes in the power balance in the Middle East. This competition has profound implications for regional stability and has impacted almost every realm of Iran&apos;s foreign policy. It influences its decision-making regarding its domestic policies, strategy on military actions, neighboring countries, and its nuclear plan. If both countries head towards different goals, which they currently are, there is a high possibility of an escalation that will have severe impacts on both regional and international security. The principal item of Iran&apos;s &quot;deterrence strategy&quot; is developing and placing missiles capable of reaching Israel. Iran also threatens Israel directly and makes a buffer zone through proxy peoples&apos; wars in Gaza, Lebanon, and Syria. This conflict has led Iran closer to many non-state actors and governments in the region than ever before.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant, Professor School of Politics and International Relations (SPIR), Quaid I Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/evolving-balance-of-power-in-the-middle-east-iranisrael-standoff-shaping-iranian-foreign-policy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395461</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Estimation of Informal Economy in Pakistan through Monetary Approach</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rohina Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nadeem Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aisha Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Informal Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indirect and Direct Approaches</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Monetary Approach and Underground Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study purposes to estimate Pakistan&apos;s informal economy by monetary methods. Ordinary least square is used for estimation. From the monetary approach, we conclude that the informal economy is increasing. In our study, particular implications of the informal economy are identified and conferred to accomplish and achieve the goal of continuous growth and progression of a country. The informal economy plays a main role in income inequality and reducing poverty. It limits the implementation of the operative public policy. The government should make such policies to control the informal economy and increase tax evasion.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Phil Scholar, Department of Economics, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Economics, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/estimation-of-informal-economy-in-pakistan-through-monetary-approach</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395473</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Politics of Identity Markers: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Pakistani English Newspapers</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Arshad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Farooq Alam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Umar Razzaq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Identity Markers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Leaders</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Textual</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discursive</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Explanation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study looked at how politicians come about with their political identities using identity markers to communicate their ideology(s) and ideas in political discourse. This study attempted to examine such identifying markers employed by Imran Khan (PTI), Fazal-ur-Rehman (JUI-F), Nawaz Sharif (PML-N), and Bilawal Bhutto (PPP) in Dawn and The Express Tribune news between 2018 and 2023. Data was obtained from the sites of a number of newspapers using a qualitative research method, using Fairclough&apos;s 3D model. Important markers of identification were phrases such as youth, corruption, accountability, and Naya Pakistan (new Pakistan), as well as cultural symbols, like flags and turbans. The ongoing use of pronouns, metaphors, and authoritative language by politicians helped to make societal topics such as power dynamics, corruption, and development lively. It is found that Fairclough&apos;s approach to the analysis of political identity markers can be put to good use.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of English, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Rawalpindi Campus, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, National University of Modern Languages, (NUML) Rawalpindi Campus, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of English, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Rawalpindi Campus, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-politics-of-identity-markers-a-critical-discourse-analysis-of-pakistani-english-newspapers</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-III).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395356</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Sino-Russian Strategic Alignment in the Middle East: Challenges and Implications for the US</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Marwa Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Laraib Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sohail Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Sino-Russian alignment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Imperative</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>US Response</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article analyzes the growing strategic alignment between China and Russia in the Middle East and its implications for US interests in the region. It examines the economic, political, and military dimensions of their cooperation, highlighting challenges such as diverging regional priorities and the potential for increased instability. The article also discusses the implications for US foreign policy, including the need for strategic recalibration and diplomatic engagement to navigate this evolving geopolitical landscape effectively. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for policymakers seeking to maintain stability and influence in the Middle East.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Comsats University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Comsats University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate professor, Department of International Relations, Comsats University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/sinorussian-strategic-alignment-in-the-middle-east-challenges-and-implications-for-the-us</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395568</identifier>
<datestamp>2023-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Climate Change and its Impact on Disaster Frequency and Severity in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fahad Zia</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Natural Disasters</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Vulnerability Framework</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Floods</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Droughts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Heat Waves</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Disaster Management</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Natural disasters today are more severe and frequent around the world because of climate change, but no country is more vulnerable than Pakistan, which suffers from a combination of geographic, socioeconomic, and institutional challenges. This study links climate change with natural disasters in Pakistan using the lens of the Vulnerability Framework with an emphasis on floods, droughts, and heat waves. This paper uses qualitative research methods to examine how recent literature, government reports, and international databanks reveal how factors like poverty, weak infrastructure, and governance gaps amplify the impacts of climate-induced disasters. Rising temperatures, unpredictable rainfall, glacial melting, and their added socioeconomic vulnerabilities have resulted in extensive displacement, economic losses, and devastative environmental degradation in Pakistan, finds. Finally, the study recommends actions to bolster resilience such as strengthening governance, making disaster preparedness efficient, and centralizing vulnerability reduction strategies within climate adaptation policy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Operations Manager, Krypton FM Group, London, United Kingdom.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2023-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/climate-change-and-its-impact-on-disaster-frequency-and-severity-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2023(VIII-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 8, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395447</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Factors Hindering the Formulation of a Comprehensive National Security Policy in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rani Zain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ibrahim</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Policy Formulation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Political Constraints</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governance Issues</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Security Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The government of Pakistan launched its first National Security Policy on January 14, 2022, and there has been no security policy in Pakistan in written form since its inception. However, it is claimed to be the first-ever national security policy (2022-2026) of Pakistan. This policy is called a comprehensive policy because it has combined various policies like economic policy, internal policy, foreign policy defense policy, etc. The policy document has focused on putting together the defense capabilities with social and economic capacities while prioritizing economic security in the document. This study is based on a qualitative method for collecting data and informed through secondary sources. This study aims to check out the reasons that restricted the past governments of Pakistan from framing a national security policy and to examine the main aspects of the National Security Policy recently launched.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Women University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, National Defense University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/factors-hindering-the-formulation-of-a-comprehensive-national-security-policy-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395466</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Estimation and Causes of Informal Economy in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rohina Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nadeem Iqbal</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aisha Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Informal Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indirect Approaches</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>GDP Approach</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Formal Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study purposes to estimate the Pakistan’s informal economy by indirect methods and estimate the causes behind the informal economy. Ordinary least square is used for estimation of causes behind the informal economy. From GDP approach, conclude that informal economy is increasing while employment approach shows decreasing informal economy. The estimated result shows tax evasion is the main reason behind the informal economy in Pakistan. In our study, particular implications of the informal economy are identified. Informal economy plays a main role in income inequality and reducing the poverty. It limits implementing the operative public policy. The government should make such policies to control the informal economy and increasing tax evasion and corruption. If government formalize the informal economy by registering them at low cost, make the registration process easier and lower the amount of taxes imposed on them, the country’s growth will be doubled.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Mphil scholar, Department of Economics, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar Department of Economics, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/estimation-and-causes-of-informal-economy-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395480</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Historical Analysis of Environmental Degradation in Pakistan: A Narrative Review</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Rafiq-uz-Zaman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nimra Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Shumaila Shafi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Environmental Degradation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Ecology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sustainability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Deforestation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The degradation of the environment in Pakistan has become worse through historical, socio-economic, and geopolitical interactions. This narrative review considers burning issues like deforestation, water shortage, and soil and water pollution, which can be linked to colonialism, industrial change, and urbanization. The review is an analysis that takes into consideration the political ecology approach, which demonstrates how political power has led to resource capture and environmental unfairness. This approach enhances the aspect of sustainability, stating measures be drawn from other nations to avoid further harm to ecology. While policy compliance is weak, promoting industrial development has brought negative impacts, according to the review of policy solutions such as afforestation programs, integrated management, and sustainable policies. The recommendations include reinforcing and promoting environmental legislation, improving intersectoral cooperation, and finding sustainable development that would help strengthen Pakistan&apos;s ecological base.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Education, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS (Environmental Science), Department of Hostels, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of Education, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/historical-analysis-of-environmental-degradation-in-pakistan-a-narrative-review</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395481</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>An Analytical Study of Semiotic Perspectives in Simpsons’ Seasons:  Fiction cum Reality</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nida Wafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Abdullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tehreem Shoukat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Fiction</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Reality</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Semiotics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Predictions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Simpsons</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Language plays an indispensable role in human communication. It has many forms, and each form has specific goals. This research explores the intricate interplay of semiotic elements within the iconic animated television series, Simpsons, across multiple seasons. Language in its multiple manifestations can also play a significant role in determining the relation between fiction and reality. The researchers have opted for a qualitative approach to analyzing the data in this regard. The most relevant Seasons were targeted and specific scenes of the selected episodes from these Seasons were analyzed critically. The study focused on ten predictions that relate to real-life events. In the semiotic analysis, the researchers targeted two levels of meaning: denotative and connotative. The first referred to literal meanings whereas the second more profound and contextualized ones. The findings illustrate that semiotics, in its various dimensions, play a significant role in the predictions of subsequent realities in the Simpsons.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, Sir Syed School and College Campus-4, Wah Cantt, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor/HoD, Department of English Linguistics and Literature, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Senior Teacher, Department of English, Army Public Schools, Azad Jammu &amp; Kashmir, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/an-analytical-study-of-semiotic-perspectives-in-simpsons-seasons-fiction-cum-reality</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395498</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Engagement of Youth on Facebook &amp; Twitter: A Case Study of Pakistan in Perspective of Political Polarization</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sajid Nawaz Abbasi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Babar Hussain Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Youth Engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Polarization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Facebook</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Twitter</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Case Study</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Online Behavior</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study investigates the political engagement of youth on Facebook and Twitter with a particular focus on the dynamics of political polarization. Facebook and Twitter play a significant role in shaping political discourse, particularly among the younger demographic. In Pakistan, engagement of youth on these platforms is crucial for comprehending the broader political landscape. The research employs a case study approach, leveraging quantitative methods to analyze the online behaviors and preferences of young individuals participating in political discussions on Facebook and Twitter. The study aims to discern the extent to which these platforms contribute to or mitigate political polarization among the youth. The findings of this research reveal that many of the youth are busy sharing political content on Facebook and Twitter. They engage in discussing their favorite political party and highlight all the aspects of their beloved political figure.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University. Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-engagement-of-youth-on-facebook-twitter-a-case-study-of-pakistan-in-perspective-of-political-polarization</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395499</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Shift of Power from The US Decline to China’s Rise in Africa: The Geopolitical Implications of Washington&apos;s Strategic Withdrawal from Niger</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zosha Noor</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Saqib</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Wakil</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>U.S.-China Influence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>African Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic and Political Influence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Nigeria</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Africa has emerged as the focal point of the growing international competition between China and the United States in recent years. This study examines how power is changing in Africa, emphasizing China&apos;s expanding influence despite the United States&apos; declining influence.  The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which has altered Africa&apos;s infrastructure and economic landscape, is crucial to this change. However, United States&apos; influence on the continent has diminished due to a decline in diplomatic activity, less foreign aid, and reduced economic initiatives. In particular, China and the United States are engaged in a geopolitical struggle to control Africa&apos;s markets, political alliances, and natural resource wealth. Due to its wealth of resources and quickly growing economy, which offer tremendous potential for political, military, and economic cooperation, Africa is a prime target in the broader geopolitical struggle between these two giants. Both nations have used various tactics and instruments to protect their interests.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-shift-of-power-from-the-us-decline-to-chinas-rise-in-africa-the-geopolitical-implications-of-washingtons-strategic-withdrawal-from-niger</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395510</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Navigating Fiscal Federalism in Pakistan: Balancing Decentralization and Economic Stability Post-18th Amendment</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Asif Raza</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Fiscal Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>18th Constitutional Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Fiscal Decentralization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Fiscal Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>National Finance Commission Award</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper critically examines Pakistan’s fiscal federalism and highlights the challenges posed by the 18th Constitutional Amendment 2010. The research is contextualized within the broader theoretical framework of fiscal federalism. Although intended to decentralize power and grant fiscal autonomy to provinces, the amendment has created structural fiscal issues, especially within the National Finance Commission. Locking of the provincial NFC share, lack of consensus building on the NFC Award since 2009, stagnant fiscal space and tax-to-GDP ratio, vertical fiscal imbalance, and absence of a joint fiscal responsibility mechanism have a negative bearing on the macroeconomic stability of Pakistan. Limited fiscal decentralization to local governments further restricts equitable development at the grassroots level. Key recommendations include operationalizing the NFC Secretariat, revising fiscal frameworks, incentivizing provincial tax efforts, and enhancing collaboration through the Council of Common Interest to strengthen fiscal management and cohesion.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Public Policy Practitioner, Pakistan Administrative Service (PAS), Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/navigating-fiscal-federalism-in-pakistan-balancing-decentralization-and-economic-stability-post18th-amendment</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395533</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan&apos;s Post 9/11 Alliance with the United States: Impacts on the Socioeconomic Security of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hafiz Sabir Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Alliance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socioeconomic security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States and Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan and the United States have had on-and-off relations since the former&apos;s inception. Post 9/11, shifts were observed in the foreign policy of the United States towards Pakistan, followed by a strategic shift in Pakistan’s approach towards its ally in Afghanistan. This study aims to analyze the impacts of the post-9/11 Pak-U.S. alliance on Pakistan&apos;s socioeconomic security by explaining the rise of terrorism as a consequence of the alliance and how it affected the social and economic security of the state. The theoretical framework focuses on John Mearsheimer’s theory of offensive realism. The study employs qualitative research methodology and focuses on secondary data. It argues that, as a consequence of the post-9/11 Pak-US alliance, the socioeconomic security of Pakistan was compromised. This study opines that a pragmatic foreign policy combined with a comprehensive national security approach is of paramount importance to Pakistan in the future to survive and progress.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of International Relations, University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistans-post-911-alliance-with-the-united-states-impacts-on-the-socioeconomic-security-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395534</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Intersection of Language, Literature, and Identity: Urdu Poetry as a Reflection of Pakistani Socio-political Realities</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tazeem Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Urdu Poetry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Political Realities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Faiz Ahmed Faiz</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Parveen Shakir</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Habib Jalib</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper aims to analyze the social and political themes of Pakistani poetry in the Urdu language focusing on Faiz Ahmed Faiz and Habib Jalib. Employing a qualitative textual analysis approach, it explores how their chosen poems further detail such multifaceted aspects of resistance and oppression, identity, and change. Faiz&apos;s revolutionary optimism and Jalib&apos;s rebel poetry are a testament to Pakistan&apos;s history of political change, gender disadvantage, and collective struggle. The study also suggests themes of freedom, justice, and stand, stressing that Language and Literature indeed lead to transformation. By historicizing Urdu Poetry, the study emphasizes the continued relevance of poetry in the function of socio-political transformation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-intersection-of-language-literature-and-identity-urdu-poetry-as-a-reflection-of-pakistani-sociopolitical-realities</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395543</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Islam as an Epitome of Best of Morality and Ethics: Reflections on Dissent and Peace in Islam Through Quranic Verses</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saman Salah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Khair Un Nisa Azeem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mehwish Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Peace</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dissent</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islam</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>State</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dysfunctional</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper explores the Islamic ideals of peace and dissent through the text of the Holy Quran. Prevailing Western talks about Islam portray the Islamic religion as being nontolerant of different beliefs. Notwithstanding, a nearby perusing of the Islamic canon, essentially the Holy Quran, shows that as opposed to this talk, Islamic standards fuse an ethic of peacefulness and claims dissent, quiet concurrence as well as, positive unification of opinions for contrasts and receptiveness to progress through discourse. The instances of contemporary Islamic strict ideas and social practices that encapsulate these positive standards show that this is not only a chronologically erroneous interpretation of the group but a functioning living Islamic practice. The paper concludes that the state&apos;s dysfunctional characteristics discourage dissent for its own political and social interests. However, Islam is a religion of peace and directs its followers to solve any matter through consent and mutual respect.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Sardar Bahadur Khan Womens&apos; University (SBKWU), Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of English, Sardar Bahadur Khan Womens&apos; University (SBKWU), Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of English, Sardar Bahadur Khan Womens&apos; University (SBKWU), Quetta, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/islam-as-an-epitome-of-best-of-morality-and-ethics-reflections-on-dissent-and-peace-in-islam-through-quranic-verses</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395555</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Struggle between Civilian and Military Elites: Impacts on Political Development in Pakistan (2002–2013)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Haris Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan’s Civilian and Military Elites</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Development 2002-2013</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Lucian Pye New Structuralism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Elite Fragmentation</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research aims to analyze the effects of the civil and military authority conflict on Pakistan’s political growth between 2002 and 2013. The paper will utilize Lucian Pye’s equality, capacity, and differentiation framework to critique how elite fragmentation influenced the political system. During the rule of Musharraf (2002–2008), military elites excluded the civilian elites through electoral engineering, an emasculated judiciary, and bureaucratic authoritarianism through local government legislation. The judiciary, through removing Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani from his position, aggravated the instability of the political system. Electoral changes, such as the emergence of a new dominant elite group, such as the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf Party, complicate the issue. The study also establishes that a lack of unity among the civilian and military elites contributed to the erosion of political equality, weakened institutional development, and delayed differentiation, which slowed the general political evolution of Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Graduate, Department of Political Science, Government College University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-struggle-between-civilian-and-military-elites-impacts-on-political-development-in-pakistan-20022013</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395564</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring the Impacts of Social Capital on Public Political Participation: An Empirical Examination of Balochistan, Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shah Nawaz Mangi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mubashra Shaheen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Capital</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Participation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Norms of Reciprocity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>John Stuart Mill&apos;s assertion that democracy may not be viable in non-European countries gains traction when examining public political participation in Baluchistan. The fertile land of Baluchistan seems unfertile for democracy due to its absolute tribal system, scattered population, and societal stagnation. The present research was conducted while considering these factors. In this regard, 460 useful samples were analyzed through Statistical Package for Social Sciences and Analysis of Moment Structures version 24.0. The study finds that social capital is one of the most significant variables that can increase public political participation and psychological involvement in national affairs. It offers a robust conceptualization for the political agents, and parties of Baluchistan for developing the civic sense and norms of reciprocity towards political participation among the people. This study offers the best option of public participation in politics to achieve economic, and social development and prosperity in society.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Government College University Hyderabad, Sindh, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (Political Science), Higher Education Department, Punjab Govt, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/exploring-the-impacts-of-social-capital-on-public-political-participation-an-empirical-examination-of-balochistan-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395600</identifier>
<datestamp>2024-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Post-Merger Governance and Development in Former FATA: Challenges and Opportunities</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Tabish Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fatima Ahmed</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Post-Merger Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>FATA Integration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Khyber Pakhtunkhwa</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Tribal Regions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Judicial Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Law Enforcement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Socio-Economic Development</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In 2018, Federally Administered Tribal Area (FATA) integration in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) was an amalgamation that resulted in Pakistan&apos;s new governance. This transition was aimed at assimilating the tribal regions to the national frame and granting equal rights and development opportunities to its residents. However, challenges and opportunities at the post-merger stage have been uncovered, and they all are to be investigated to maximize. Other strategic issues also include eating away at the traditional governance structure, the utilization of the Jirga system, and difficulties with the new judicial framework. Also, there appears there be a lack of development, inadequate law enforcement agencies, and integration into the culture. Nonetheless, the merger offers a chance for infrastructural and political projects and for access to education and healthcare. This paper explores such facts but also discusses some of the complexities involved in post-merger governance and development within the erstwhile FATA region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Mphil Scholar, Faculty of Social Sciences, Quaid e Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Independent Research Scholar, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2024-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/postmerger-governance-and-development-in-former-fata-challenges-and-opportunities</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2024(IX-IV).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 9, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395552</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Narrative Dynamic in Dawn Newspaper on Israel-Palestine Conflict: A Corpus-Based Discourse Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Gul Khanda</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Salma Kalim</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Corpus-Based Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Israel-Palestine Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dawn</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Newspaper</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sketch Engine</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transitivity</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the context of international conflicts, the influence of language on ideological formation and political discourse cannot be underestimated. This study investigates how language is employed to construct ideological narratives and political implications within a corpus of news discourse focusing on the Israel-Palestine conflict. The primary objective is to uncover linguistic patterns that reveal biases in media representations of the events in Pakistan. Utilizing Baker&apos;s (2023) framework and Transitivity analysis (Halliday 1967), this research scrutinizes linguistic elements such as Keynes, lexical selection, and clause structures across evolving online news narratives circulated by Dawn newspaper. The findings reveal a tendency for news narratives to obscure Israeli involvement in acts of violence while emphasizing actions attributed to Palestinians, highlighting significant shifts in meaning and usage over time. Approximately 75% of analyzed newspaper articles exhibited linguistic biases that framed the conflict. These findings underscore the need for researchers to address these biases critically and advocate for more balanced and transparent reporting practices.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/narrative-dynamic-in-dawn-newspaper-on-israelpalestine-conflict-a-corpusbased-discourse-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395582</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Prioritizing Economic Agenda in Pakistan&apos;s Foreign Policy: Policy Lessons Based on its Engagement with the US, China, and the EU</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Riaz Shad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aqsa Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maira Tariq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-economics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geo-Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Export Diversification</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Value Addition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Integration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Exports</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan&apos;s economic development undergoes multiple challenges due to weak economic planning, misplaced priorities, and poor economic performance. Despite having a longstanding engagement with the major economies and international financial institutions, Pakistan has not been able to derive full benefits due to ineffective planning and policies. Domestically, this economic predicament is attributed to inadequate governance structures and poor economic policies while externally, it is the result of overemphasis on geopolitical objectives in foreign policy pursuits. As the economic capacity of a state plays a central role in determining its global influence and ensuring its security and survival. This paper draws policy lessons for prioritizing the economic agenda in Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy based on the country&apos;s economic relations with major actors including the US, China, and the EU. It provides recommendations for optimizing economic dividends with respect to trade, investment, and business-friendly relations with other countries.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Assistant, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Assistant, Department of International Relations, National University of Modern Languages (NUML), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/prioritizing-economic-agenda-in-pakistans-foreign-policy-policy-lessons-based-on-its-engagement-with-the-us-china-and-the-eu</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395591</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Human Trafficking in Pakistan: Legal Challenges and the Way Forward</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rai Akhtar Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nuzhat Bashir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Human Trafficking</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Forced Labour</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Child Trafficking</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legal Framework</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Victim Protection</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Palermo Protocol</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Human trafficking remains a significant human rights violation in Pakistan, affecting vulnerable groups such as women, children, and migrant workers. The country faces numerous challenges in effectively addressing this issue, despite having enacted several anti-trafficking laws. This article critically analyzes the existing legal framework and highlights the overlapping and conflicting provisions among various laws related to human trafficking. It identifies key legal gaps and jurisdictional conflicts that hinder the effective prosecution of trafficking offences. This study adopts a qualitative doctrinal research methodology by examining domestic laws, international conventions, and judicial decisions. It recommends comprehensive legislative reforms, including amendments to the Prevention of Trafficking in Persons Act, to harmonize conflicting laws, strengthen victim protection frameworks, and enhance the capacity of law enforcement agencies. This study underscores the urgent need for Pakistan to align its anti-trafficking laws with international human rights standards.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Additional Prosecutor General, Punjab Criminal Prosecution Service, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Deputy Prosecutor General, Punjab Criminal Prosecution Service, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/human-trafficking-in-pakistan-legal-challenges-and-the-way-forward</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395592</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Maritime Security Issues and Geostrategic Competition in Indian Ocean Region: Prospects and Challenges for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ramzan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hina Adeeb</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indian Ocean</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Maritime Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Belt and Road Initiative</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pacific Strategy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CPEC</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Competition</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>U.S.-China Rivalry</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The strategic maritime environment of the Indian Ocean (IO) has undergone significant transformation over the past two decades. The shift in regional focus from territorial to maritime borders has had a profound impact on international relations, driven by evolving defense and security dynamics. This paper explores the historical context of maritime geopolitics in the Indian Ocean and examines the growing presence and competition among the United States, China, and India as the primary strategic players. The United States, in strengthening its partnership with India, seeks to counterbalance China’s expanding influence in the region. China, through its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, aims to consolidate its economic and strategic footprint under its “Common Future, Common Growth” vision. This paper analyzes the hegemonic struggle in the Indian Ocean and presents policy recommendations for Pakistan’s maritime strategy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media, Creative Arts and Global Political Studies, Emerson University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Vice Chancellor, Emerson University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Faculty of Media and Mass Communication, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/maritime-security-issues-and-geostrategic-competition-in-indian-ocean-region-prospects-and-challenges-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395595</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Educational Policies and Colonial Legacy: A Historical Analysis of Successes and Failures (1835-1947)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Sajid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mazher Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Colonial Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Macaulay’s Minute</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indigenous Knowledge</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Critical Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Educational Inequality</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Linguistic Hierarchy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Postcolonial Reform</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research explores British educational policies in India (1835–1947) as ideological tools that reinforced administrative control and cultural dominance. Focusing on Macaulay’s Minute (1835), Wood’s Dispatch (1854), and the Indian Universities Act (1904), it analyzes their impact on native institutions, language hierarchies, and socio-economic systems. Using historical document analysis, thematic analysis, and critical discourse analysis, the study identifies four lasting colonial patterns: cultural alienation, linguistic hierarchy, educational elitism, and bureaucratic utility. Policies promoted English superiority through a civilized/barbaric dichotomy, suppressing indigenous knowledge. The colonial agenda aimed to create a loyal clerical class and hinder native intellectual growth. These legacies persist through centralized control, outsider language dominance, and biased curricula. The paper concludes with recommendations to decolonize education by embracing indigenous knowledge and multilingualism to foster epistemic justice in postcolonial contexts.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of History, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of History, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/educational-policies-and-colonial-legacy-a-historical-analysis-of-successes-and-failures-18351947</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395596</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Authority without Accountability: The Search for Justice in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maryam Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mehnaz Begum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Iftikhar Ahmad Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>AACPR</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Accountability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Indemnity Clause</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human Rights</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Counter-terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article examines Pakistan’s counter-terrorism laws, focusing on the Actions in Aid of Civil Power Regulation (AACPR), particularly regarding military accountability. As the involvement of FATA and PATA communities in terrorism increased, the military was granted powers to arrest individuals and detain them without trial. A key issue is the indemnity clause in the AACPR, which exempts military personnel from prosecution if actions are taken in &quot;good faith.&quot; This provision raises concerns about accountability and the potential for human rights abuses. The article critiques this clause, analyzing its constitutional and international human rights implications. By reviewing case laws and international treaties, it explores how Pakistan’s counter-terrorism laws fail to meet global human rights standards. The article advocates for reforming these laws to ensure better accountability while balancing national security with respect for human rights.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Researcher/LLM Student, Department of Law, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Sharia and Law, Islamia College, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Shariah and Law, Islamia College University, Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/authority-without-accountability-the-search-for-justice-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395597</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Deep State in Action: Military Influence on Pakistan’s Political System since 1958</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sajida Begum</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Robina Saeed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Rasha Hayyat Rana</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Deep State</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military Influence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civil-Military Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan&apos;s Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Since 1958 Pakistan&apos;s government system has experienced substantial influence from its military authority which goes by the name Deep State. The Deep State label describes how military personnel together with intelligence agencies maintain their durable power to guide national decisions from hidden positions. Historic military involvement in Pakistan&apos;s politics extends across all eras as the military has exercised both direct governance and hidden political power over civilian government authorities. This paper investigates the military&apos;s rising political power from General Ayub Khan&apos;s 1958 coup through present times while assessing the direct effects of military rule on democratic processes, civil-military relations, and Pakistan&apos;s overall governance system. The paper examines military power using historical analysis to show its effect on democratic institutions along with creating political turmoil and explores political leaders&apos; connections to civil society and military forces.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, School of Political Science, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, School of Media and Communication Studies, Minhaj University, Lahore, Punjab Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Student, Department of Pakistan Studies, Lahore College for Women University , Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-deep-state-in-action-military-influence-on-pakistans-political-system-since-1958</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395618</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Role of Generative AI in Undermining Electoral Integrity: A Study on AI-Driven Election Interference</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ali Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Irfan Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abdur Rehman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Generative AI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Deepfakes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Large Language Models (LLMs)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electoral Integrity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Disinformation Campaigns</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Voter Trust</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Election Interference</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The rapid advancement of generative artificial intelligence(AI)technologies presents a transformative yet perilous frontier in the domain of electoral integrity. As tools like deepfakes and large language models(LLMs), including ChatGPT, become increasingly accessible, they offer new avenues for information manipulation, narrative distortion, and psychological influence at unprecedented scale and sophistication. This paper investigates the multifaceted impact of generative AI on democratic processes, focusing on three core dimensions:the erosion of voter trust through deepfake-driven disinformation campaigns; the weaponization of LLMs to manufacture and amplify persuasive electoral narratives; and the pressing need for international governance mechanisms to regulate and mitigate AI-fueled election interference.Drawing from recent electoral events, cross-national case studies, and emerging empirical research, the study reveals how deepfakes are reshaping public perception by blurring the line between reality and fabrication. Simultaneously,it explores how LLMs are being deployed to automate propaganda, target voter subgroups with hyper-personalized messaging, and exploit linguistic and cognitive biases.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Central Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-role-of-generative-ai-in-undermining-electoral-integrity-a-study-on-aidriven-election-interference</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395633</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Role of Emerging Technologies in the Indo-Pacific: An Assessment of the Quadrilateral Security Initiative and AUKUS</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sobia Hanif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zeeshan Fida</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Noor-ul-Huda</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indo-Pacific Region</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Emerging Technologies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>QUAD and AUKUS</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The Indo-Pacific region has emerged as the epicenter of the geopolitical rivalry between the US and China. The race for developing critical emerging technologies has arisen as the latest frontier of this competition with far-reaching implications for regional and international security. This paper asserts that the US and its allies are harnessing the power of emerging technologies especially Artificial Intelligence to strengthen their collective defences under the aegis of the QUAD and AUKUS. Applying the defensive neo-realist lens, this study underscores the burgeoning collaborations between QUAD and AUKUS members while restricting China’s access to supply chains of semiconductor chips to prevent it from challenging US global supremacy. The findings contend that while the US and China are leading in the AI-economic realm, assimilation of AI into military capabilities could potentially intensify armed conflicts. Furthermore, exporting varying technological standards to other states may create distinct and contending spheres of influence globally.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab., Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/role-of-emerging-technologies-in-the-indopacific-an-assessment-of-the-quadrilateral-security-initiative-and-aukus</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395649</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Analysis of Online Religious Narratives and the Role of Social Media in Radicalization of Pakistan&apos;s Youth</dc:title>
<dc:creator>M. Yunas Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mubasshar Hassan Jafri</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Radicalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extremism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Artificial Intelligence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Digital Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cyber Indoctrination</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Narrative Building</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sectarianism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Psychological warfare</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper examines the phenomenon of digital content creation triggering sectarianism, polarization and framing of radical narratives on social media. The radicals twist mainstream Islamic constructs through skewed interpretations to spread hatred and violence. The extremist and exclusivist narratives built on Takfeeri and Khawariji footprints, are stepping stone of an ideological pyramid leading to terrorism, attracting backlash and endangering sovereignty. The paper answers the question that how radical narratives are formed and calibrated with audience sentiments and circumstances, through specialized communication skills, deploying religious symbolism, charisma, oratory, semantics, jargons, and logic, engulfed in deceptive interpretive techniques to influence. AI(Algorithms) works as catalyst in creating a strange ecosystem of digital terrorism fueling violence, threatening harmony and stability.  The tailored conceptual model, apply mixed methods, discourse and narrative analysis to discern themes, hypothesize and find correlation between variables in suggesting measures to curb virtual radicalization in chaotic-socio and geo-political environment.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D (Peace and Conflict Studies), Center for International Peace and Stability (CIPS), National University of Science &amp; Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan. Criminologist, Public Sector Organization, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D (Peace and Conflict Studies), Peace and Conflict Studies, Center for International Peace and Stability (CIPS), National University of Science &amp; Technology (NUST), Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/analysis-of-online-religious-narratives-and-the-role-of-social-media-in-radicalization-of-pakistans-youth</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395650</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Role of Memes in Shaping Online Culture: Analyzing Their Influence on Political Discourse, Social Movements, and Internet Culture</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Ahsan Bhatti</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Esha Nasir</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Memes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Online-Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Movements</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Internet-Culture</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research explores the role of memes in shaping online culture, especially their influence in molding the political discourse and social movements. The study highlights the journey and development of memes from the original image macro format to the dynamic formats followed currently.. The literature review provides a thorough context on the influence of memes on social movements, political movements and the overall internet culture. The study applies a content analysis approach to analyze memes regarding two political and two social movements- Feminism/Me Too movement, Black Lives Matter movement, the Israel-Palestine conflict and the US Presidential Elections 2024. The results showcased that memes on social movements had limited and minimal effects on the movement, whereas political memes provided a moderate impact on the political commentary and discourse.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Institute of Media and Communication Studies, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, Institute of Media and Communication Studies, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-role-of-memes-in-shaping-online-culture-analyzing-their-influence-on-political-discourse-social-movements-and-internet-culture</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395665</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Consumption of Political Information through Social Media Among University Students: A Review Study</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Dur e Shahwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ayesha Qamar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zobah Vincent</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political News</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Fake News</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>University Students</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Literacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Online Engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:description>College students utilize social media to access political news, which influences their perspectives and behaviors. Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, and YouTube allow students to learn about politics, debate it, and even protest or vote. However, social media misinformation spreads swiftly, confusing pupils and skewing their opinions. Videos, memes, and photos can spice up politics. A PRISMA-based systematic review of social media political information consumption was conducted. Inclusion-exclusion criteria choose 43 articles. The results showed that students do not always explain complex concepts effectively. Applications have varied consequences. Instagram and YouTube are for seeing, whereas Facebook and Twitter are for arguments. Many students struggle to distinguish between fake and real news, which is a significant concern. Media literacy in the classroom has been found to help kids think critically about online content. Social media can spark political consciousness, but students must learn how to use it wisely.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Mphil Student, Department of Communication and Media Studies, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Communication and Media Studies, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Student, Department of Communication and Media Studies, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/consumption-of-political-information-through-social-media-among-university-students-a-review-study</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395681</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Identity Construction Through Language: A Case Study of the Former Prime Minister Imran Khan&apos;s Speech at UNGA in 2019</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nazia Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Isha Razzaq Butt</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Islamophobia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Identity Construction</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Identity Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the light of Social Identity Theory (Tajfel &amp; Turner, 1979), the present research has unveiled Khan&apos;s religious identity via his speech at the UN General Assembly (UNGA,2019), the research highlights his role as an advocate of human rights, peace, and justice and analyses how his lexical choices reflect his personate in front of the global Muslim community. The research presents him as a proponent of moral and global values advocating against hostile and intolerant behavior of the global community with Muslims like islamophobia. It also highlights Khan&apos;s unified Muslim identity which challenges Western stereotypes of Islam. The study reveals how Khan&apos;s linguistic choices frame his religious identity and define his own persona. This research exposes the pivotal role language plays in constructing identity, diplomatic relations, international political negotiations, world affairs, and global attitudes toward Islam.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, University of Gujrat, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of English, University of Gujrat, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/identity-construction-through-language-a-case-study-of-the-former-prime-minister-imran-khans-speech-at-unga-in-2019</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395699</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Women’s Political Participation in South Asia: A Case Study of Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Zainab</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Wakil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anwar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Gender Representation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Employment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Reserved Seats</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Patriarchy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electoral Participation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender Equality</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan serves as a key case study in understanding women’s political participation in South Asia, where progress coexists with persistent challenges. This study examines how institutional mechanisms, historical developments, and community norms influence women&apos;s political engagement in Pakistan. The implementation of constitutional protections and legislative quotas for special seats has enabled women&apos;s legal entry into politics, yet structural obstacles such as sexism, religious orthodoxy, educational constraints, and financial limitations still hinder their full participation. The political inclusion of women in Pakistan demonstrates the dual effect of social oppression and public empowerment, as the country witnesses growing female representation but often confines their political activity to gender-specific issues and relegates them to ceremonial positions. This study reviews election data alongside policy programs and political party functions to assess women&apos;s influence in policymaking and political decisions. The research emphasizes the need for comprehensive political empowerment for women in Pakistan and South Asia.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M. Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/womens-political-participation-in-south-asia-a-case-study-of-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395817</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Climate Change and Heat Exhaustion: A Study in Kahuta</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Momina Shewaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Global Warming</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Heat-Related Illness</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extreme Heat Events</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Heat-Exhaustion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Heat Stress</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Thermal Stress</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Heatwaves</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Heat exposure is a well-known health risk that impairs human performance and capacity to function at temperatures that are already typical in tropical and subtropical climates. Global climate change is characterized by increased exposure to heat throughout the year&apos;s warmest seasons. In health effect analyses of climate change, heat fatigue and diminished human performance are frequently disregarded. Due to climate change, people who live in hot regions of the world will have much less labor capability later this century. Thirty to forty percent of the yearly daylight hours will be too hot for employment in some places. The effects of the rapidly changing Earth&apos;s climate on the environment and human health have already been established. Heat stress in the workplace today and in the future is mostly caused by the urban &quot;heat island effect,&quot; physical labor, individual variances, and the setting of developing nations, where technical solutions are sometimes inapplicable.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of Anthropology, PMAS Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor/Chairman, Department of Anthropology, PMAS-Arid Agriculture University Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/climate-change-and-heat-exhaustion-a-study-in-kahuta</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-I).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395676</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Populism and the Erosion of Democratic Institutions of Pakistan: An Analysis (2014-2024)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muneeba Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asma Rashid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Democratic Institutions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democratic principles</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Populism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political polarization</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research examines the deleterious impact of populism on democratic institutions, utilizing Pakistan as a case study. Notwithstanding its claims to speak for the majority, populism regularly endangers the democratic institutions that are intended to protect the rights of minorities, uphold the rule of law, and offer checks and balances. This article explores the implications of populism for democratic institutions, arguing that populist politicians undermine the normative underpinnings of democracy as they gain control of government. This study looks into how Pakistani populist movements undermine the independence of important institutions including the judiciary, parliament, and free press. By examining the case of Pakistan, the study presents recommendations to reinforce democratic institutions to enable them to resist populist pressures and ensure resilience to future challenges. Furthermore the study highlights the need for a comprehensive approach that addresses the grievances fueling populist movements without compromising democratic norms.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Politics and International Relations, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Politics and International Relations, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/populism-and-the-erosion-of-democratic-institutions-of-pakistan-an-analysis-20142024</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395677</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Imran Khan Behind Bars: A Comparative Mood Analysis of Objective and Subjective Slang in Al Jazeera, BBC, and New York Times Reports</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Isha Razzaq Butt</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Behzad Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nazia Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Systemic Functional Linguistics; Mood Analysis; International Media News Reporting</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Former Pakistani PM Imran Khan’s detention in May 2023 has ignited international media’s interests and protests. This research compares how three different newspapers i.e. The New York Times (NYT), Al Jazeera, and BBC have covered the said event using mood analysis based on Systemic Functional Linguistics (SFL). By studying 20 examples from each newspaper, this research has compared the employment of declarative, imperative and interrogative moods with emphasis on Subject + Finite (Mood) and Residue constructions. All three newspapers have used declarative mood mainly but Al Jazeera has exclusively combined it with quoted imperatives to enhance emotional involvement. The NYT has exhibited mild subjectivity with cognitive processes and evaluative words; BBC has demonstrated limited use of subjectivity and shows direct quotes and light metaphors. It shows how mood contributes in highlighting function of linguistic forms in news which can be of great importance for critical media literacy and discourse analysis.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Department of English, University of Gujrat, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of English, University of Gujrat, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of English, University of Gujrat, Gujrat, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/imran-khan-behind-bars-a-comparative-mood-analysis-of-objective-and-subjective-slang-in-al-jazeera-bbc-and-new-york-times-reports</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395682</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Confidence Building Measures between India and Pakistan: A Critical Analysis of Pervez Musharraf Era</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Rashida Hanif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Adnan Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Confidence Building Measures (CBMs)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>General Musharraf era</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Non-state Actors</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article delves into the evolution and impact of confidence building measures (CBMs) between India and Pakistan during the tenure of General Pervez Musharraf, a period marked by heightened tensions, diplomatic breakdowns, and cautious reconciliation. After the nuclear tests and the kargil war, the relations between India and Pakistan were greatly strained. Nevertheless, the Musharraf era also saw several important diplomatic interactions focused on reducing tensions and establishing normal relations. The study explores both military and non-military CBMs, including ceasefire agreements along the line of control (LoC), initiation of composite dialogues, restoration of high-level diplomatic contacts, cross-border travel and trade initiatives. While emphasizing the achievements, the article also acknowledges the limitations and vulnerability of CBMs, especially in the wake of significant terrorist incidents such as Indian parliament and Mumbai attacks. The article emphasizes the importance of establishing and maintaining ongoing dialogue mechanisms to promote lasting peace and stability in South Asia.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/confidence-building-measures-between-india-and-pakistan-a-critical-analysis-of-pervez-musharraf-era</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395688</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Maritime Stability of Strait of Hormuz: A Critical Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Huzaifa Shahzad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Bin Liaqat</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Wakil</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>The Strait of Hormuz</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Major Powers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Persian Gulf</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Blue Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Middle East</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Europe</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Africa</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Energy commerce is crucial for both developed and developing nations due to the rising need for energy worldwide. Energy may be transported economically and environmentally via maritime routes, particularly those that cross the Strait of Hormuz. The only marine route for exporting to Europe, Asia, Africa, and major powers is the Persian Gulf, which is home to enormous oil and gas deposits. Because of its strategic importance, any disruption like an Iranian blockade could have a significant effect on the blue economy worldwide. Europe&apos;s dependence on Middle Eastern oil has increased as a result of the recent conflict between Russia and Ukraine. During diplomatic problems involving Iran and other significant exporters, the strait attracts international attention. This study looks at how the Strait of Hormuz affects Iran&apos;s foreign policy and ties with other countries, as well as its topographical, strategic, economic, and geopolitical significance.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/maritime-stability-of-strait-of-hormuz-a-critical-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395697</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Evolution of Federalism in Pakistan: Challenges and Prospects Post-18th Amendment</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Munazza Mubarak</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Uzma Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Umbreen Akhtar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>18th Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Devolution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provincial Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Intergovernmental Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Constitution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The concept of federalism in Pakistan has changed considerably since 1947, given the relevance of the issue between the tension among democratization, central authority, and provincial autonomy. However, the 2010 18th Constitutional Amendment was instrumental in that the power was taken away from the central government to the provinces. This research focuses on the history of federalism in Pakistan, the justification of the 18th Amendment, and its effect on governance, democracy, and intergovernmental relations. While the Amendment was celebrated as a step forward in the building of provincial autonomy and participatory democracy, its execution has been hindered by institutional, political, and administrative hindrances. This paper investigates whether the 18th Amendment has been a step for or against federalism. It also looks at what the future of cooperative federalism will be, taking present discussions in the areas of fiscal control, national integration, and political centralization.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-evolution-of-federalism-in-pakistan-challenges-and-prospects-post18th-amendment</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395700</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Evolving Role of Islam in Pakistan’s Political Landscape: A Comparative Analysis of Civilian and Military Regimes</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Irum Malik</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Anwar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tazeem Imran</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Islam</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Regimes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islamization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Legitimacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious Movements</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Thus, this study explores the role of Islam in politics in Pakistan from a multidimensional perspective by looking at the evolution of Islam in shaping the political agenda under civilian and military regimes. Over the years, some politicians and leaders have found Islam as a useful political tool to legitimize their military rule. The research showed the changing way of implementation of Islamic principles from General Ayub Khan&apos;s Islamic socialism to General Ziaul Haq&apos;s Islamization and the return to pragmatism of Pervez Musharraf through a historical and thematic analysis. The findings show that Islamic movements such as Jamaat-e-Islami and JUI-F manipulated the political processes, and their effects have created political polarization and also produced instability. The findings highlight the role of Islam in Pakistan&apos;s governance and national identity as a force that informs both secular as well as religious policy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-evolving-role-of-islam-in-pakistans-political-landscape-a-comparative-analysis-of-civilian-and-military-regimes</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395704</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Visualizing Legitimation: Photographic Strategies in the Autobiographies of Pakistani Military Dictators</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fariha Asghar Rao</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sarwat Jabeen</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Autobiography</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Photographs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legitimation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Visual Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ayub Khan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pervez Musharraf</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multimodal Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Political autobiographies, especially those written by military dictators, have rich political agendas, as they are carefully crafted narratives designed to legitimize their power. This paper examines the use of photographs in the autobiographies of two Pakistani military dictators: Ayub Khan’s Friends Not Masters (1967) and Pervez Musharraf’s In the Line of Fire (2006). The analysis focuses on the role of visual elements in cultivating a favorable image of these leaders, emphasizing their patriotism and heroism. Using a qualitative approach, this analysis incorporates aspects of Machin’s (2013) multimodal framework and Van Leeuwen’s (2017) strategies of multimodal legitimation. The results indicate that Ayub Khan and Musharraf utilized imagery to influence public perceptions of their leadership and legacy, intentionally situating themselves within symbolic or historically significant contexts. This study makes a significant contribution to the field of political discourse by revealing that visual elements are not merely illustrative but are central to the process of political legitimation.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of English, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/visualizing-legitimation-photographic-strategies-in-the-autobiographies-of-pakistani-military-dictators</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395709</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Digital Deception: Analyzing The Role of Russia’s AI-Powered Bot Farms in the U.S. Political Discourse 2024</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maha Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sobia Hanif</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Samrana Afzal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Russian AI-Powered Bot Farms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Computational Propaganda Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>U.S. Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Public Distrust</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Generative Adversarial Networks</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the contemporary era, artificial intelligence is becoming increasingly advanced, especially with its use in social media through fake bot accounts as a means for propaganda. This research looks into the Russian AI-operated bot farms and how they exacerbated the political disinformation campaigns during the U.S. election debate in 2024. The focus is on how these bots are said to generate and escalate disinformation through the computational propaganda theory. Using the case study method, the authors analyze an array of secondary sources, expert interviews, and statistical data. The results of the study reveal that bot farms impede political debates through active dissemination of misinformation. In addition, the study presents more effective ways to enhance media and disinformation detection literacy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate Student, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of International Relations, Fatima Jinnah Women University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/digital-deception-analyzing-the-role-of-russias-aipowered-bot-farms-in-the-us-political-discourse-2024</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395712</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring the selected American texts through Marxism and Foucauldian Discourse: American Dream Fulfilled or a Failure</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saman Salah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Khair Un-Nisa Azeem</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>American Literature</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Revolutionary Ideas</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Marxist Literary Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Content Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study examines the ways in which four significant American essays Walt Whitman&apos;s &quot;Preface to Leaves of Grass&quot;, Ralph Waldo Emerson&apos;s &quot;Self-Reliance&quot;, Thomas Paine&apos;s &quot;Common Sense&quot;, and Thomas Jefferson&apos;s &quot;Declaration of Independence&quot; express potent concepts of equality, justice, freedom, and revolt. The study employs a qualitative research methodology, content analysis, and closely analyzes these writings using Marxist literary theory and Michel Foucault&apos;s discourse theory. The research reveals how each article argues for change and confronts unfair authority by carefully choosing and examining significant passages. Emerson&apos;s work encourages individual freedom and self-confidence, Jefferson&apos;s publication asserts for independence and human rights, Paine&apos;s writing advocates for political rebellion towards monarchy, and Whitman&apos;s introduction honors equality, unity, and the dignity of common people. Hence, the study demonstrates the significance and relevance of these writings for freedom and justice in the modern world.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of English, Sardar Bahadur Khan Women&apos;s University, Quetta, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Sardar Bahadur Khan Women&apos;s University, Quetta, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/exploring-the-selected-american-texts-through-marxism-and-foucauldian-discourse-american-dream-fulfilled-or-a-failure</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395717</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Operation Banyan al Marsoos 2025: A Landmark Demonstration of Pakistan&apos;s Strategic Military Acumen and Technological Superiority in Modern Warfare</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bashir Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zeeshan Naseer</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sahera Khatoon</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Operation Banyan al Marsoos</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>IndiaPakistan Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Modern Warfare</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military technology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security Dynamics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Military innovation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Defense strategy. Geopolitical Implications</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Operation Banyan al Marsoos 2025 profoundly influenced the IndiaPakistan conflict, demonstrating that Pakistan has exhibited significant strategic military acumen as well as advanced technical capabilities in contemporary warfare. The operation was launched following a rise in tensions and incorporated the use of state-of-the-art technologies, including cyber warfare, unmanned aerial systems, precision-guided munitions, and ballistic missile deployment. This case study identifies a transformation in the strategic calculus of South Asia through Operation Banyan al Marsoos, which has positioned Pakistan as a technologically and strategically advanced military force. Additionally, it indicates that Pakistan aims to strengthen its global standing through military innovation and deterrence. The article analyses the operational, technological, and geopolitical dimensions of the conflict and the evolving security architecture of the region. </dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of History, Minhaj University Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Sociology, Govt MAO Graduate College Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Centre for South Asian Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/operation-banyan-al-marsoos-2025-a-landmark-demonstration-of-pakistans-strategic-military-acumen-and-technological-superiority-in-modern-warfare</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395725</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Beyond Human Limits: Artificial Intelligence and the Redefinition of Efficiency in Alternative Dispute Resolution</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sanaullah Aman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Artificial Intelligence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alternative Dispute Resolution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Efficiency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Predictive Analytics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Legal Technology</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper examines how Artificial Intelligence (AI) can support Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) by making it more efficient, accessible, and cost-effective. While ADR has traditionally offered a less complex alternative to litigation, the increasing complexity of modern disputes demands more robust solutions. AI offers notable potential to enhance ADR by analyzing data, identifying patterns, predicting outcomes, and facilitating online dispute resolution. However, its implementation raises critical concerns, including data privacy, algorithmic fairness, and public trust. To ensure responsible use, strong safeguards, clear regulations, and human oversight are essential so that AI complements rather than replaces human judgment. Collaboration among stakeholders is also crucial to maximize AI’s benefits while mitigating its risks. Ultimately, the paper advocates for a thoughtful and ethical integration of AI into ADR, emphasizing transparency and inclusivity to ensure fair access to justice in an increasingly digital society.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>CEO Saarosh ADR Center, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/beyond-human-limits-artificial-intelligence-and-the-redefinition-of-efficiency-in-alternative-dispute-resolution</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395743</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Language of the Climate Crisis: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Climate Activism</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Shameel Ahmed Quadri</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sidra Saleem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Francesco Ernesto Alessi Longa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Activism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Critical Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rhetoric</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Climate Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Linguistic Strategies</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study analyzes the language of climate activism using a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approach, which reveals how activists construct urgency, moral responsibility, and systemic critique. The dataset comprises over 800 texts produced between 2018 and 2024, including speeches, social media posts, and protest signs. The study identifies rhetorical strategies that promote solidarity and mobilization, such as the use of collective pronouns (e.g., we, our) and crisis metaphors (e.g., climate emergency). Quantitative indicators TF-IDF, chi-square tests, and sentiment analysis reveal notable regional variation: activists in the Global South often appeal to colonial histories and justice, while those in the Global North emphasize generational responsibility. A further distinction is observed between youth-led and institutional movements. By combining discourse and quantitative analysis, the research demonstrates how language not only mobilizes action but also transforms climate discourse across sociopolitical contexts, offering deeper insight into environmental communication strategies in the 21st century.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Karachi, Karachi, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Iqra Institute of Science and Humanities, Jehangira, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Faculty Member, Department of  International Law, Azteca University, San Antonio, 56600 Chalco de Díaz Covarrubias, Mexico.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/language-of-the-climate-crisis-a-critical-discourse-analysis-of-climate-activism</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395776</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Political Dynamics of Fiscal Federalism in Pakistan: Central-Provincial Conflicts and Regional Economic Inequalities</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Azra Amir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Jahangir Alam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Yasir Arafat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Fiscal Federalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NFC Award</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provincial Disparities</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Economy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study examines the intricate dynamics of Pakistan&apos;s fiscal federalism, with particular emphasis on center–province disputes and their effects on regional economic inequality. Despite constitutional pledges to decentralize especially following the 7th National Finance Commission (NFC) Award and the 18th Constitutional Amendment Pakistan continues to exhibit both vertical and horizontal fiscal imbalances. Using a mixed-methods approach, the study analyzes both primary and secondary data from federal and provincial budgets, institutional reports, and economic surveys. Descriptive statistical analysis indicates that the federal government continues to control the majority of revenue collection, while provinces remain heavily dependent on federal transfers. Comparative research reveals notable disparities in per capita development spending, particularly among emerging regions and their federating units, such as Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan. The study concludes that Pakistan&apos;s fiscal federalism is not merely a financial arrangement but a deeply political process, shaped by power dynamics, institutional frameworks, and historical inequalities.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Chitral, KP Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Chitral, KP Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Economics, University of Chitral, KP Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-political-dynamics-of-fiscal-federalism-in-pakistan-centralprovincial-conflicts-and-regional-economic-inequalities</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395807</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Deepfakes and the Crisis of Media Credibility</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Maryam Hashmi</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zarwah Nabil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sahar Saleem</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Deepfakes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Credibility</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Disclosure Labels</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provenance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Literacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Misinformation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Liar’s Dividend</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The deepfakes pose a threat to journalism and trust. This paper investigates the effect of unlabeled and disclosed synthetic media on credibility decisions and behaviors. The four-arm survey experiment (N=1,000) involved showing participants clips which were labeled as authentic, deepfake, deepfake with a label of an AI, and authentic with a deepfake warning. Some of the major findings are message and source credibility, perceived realism, trust in news, and sharing, verification, or reporting intentions. Results indicate that unlabeled deepfakes lowered credibility and slightly lowered news credibility but enhanced verification and reporting. Labeling that damages credibility minimized verification, whereas generic warnings on valid information created a liar-dividend effect, and this effect diminished trust. Vulnerability was improved by media literacy and numeracy. Policy implications imply more definite and narrow disclosures instead of vague warnings. Future studies are needed on multilingual deepfakes and longitudinal relationships of trust.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Media and Communication Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Masters (In Development), Department of, Journalism, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Mphil, School of journalism and Communication, Wuhan University, Hubei, P.R China.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/deepfakes-and-the-crisis-of-media-credibility</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395808</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring the Socio-Cultural Challenges to Women Poll Workers in General Elections-2024 in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Adeeba</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Manzoor Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hussain Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Women</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Poll Workers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Challenges</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Malakand</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Women poll workers play a vital role in conducting free and fair elections in Pakistan. The present study explored the social, cultural, and economic challenges women poll workers faced during the general elections of 2024 in Pakistan. Qualitative research with in-depth interviews of seven women poll workers was conducted in Malakand, Pakistan. The study explored that the mobility of women poll workers to polling stations was socially restricted, family elders restrict women&apos;s polling duties, and gender roles in the domestic sphere also constrain women poll workers from election duties. And family elders, including in-laws, discouraged women from performing election duties. Women poll workers staying tell evening in polling stations is also considered unethical it is required to compile election results. The study concluded that prior consent should be taken from women government employees, and logistic support should be provided to enhance the women poll workers&apos; efficiency during their election duty.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil Scholar, Political Science Department, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Sociology, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Abdul Wali Khan University, Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/exploring-the-sociocultural-challenges-to-women-poll-workers-in-general-elections2024-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395894</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Construing the Political Identity of Imran Khan in Pakistani Print Media Discourse: A Systemic Functional Perspective</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muqadas Fakhar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tazanfal Tehseem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asad Nazar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Imran Khan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Identity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Print Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transitivity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ideological Framing</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study presents a discursive analysis to determine how the Pakistani English print media constructed the political identity of Imran Khan between 2022 and 2024 using Systemic Functional Linguistics, Critical Discourse Analysis, and Framing Theory. An integrated examination of Dawn News, 2022, and The News International indicates that the identity of Khan is constructed by both material and verbalization that place a greater emphasis on the agency and populist identity on the one hand, and relational and evaluative clauses on the other, which suggest inconsistencies in governance. Although both sources lead to the same conclusions of portraying him as polarizing, they differ ideologically: Dawn shows him as a danger to the democratic norm, whereas The News provides a less idealistic critique of governance. This paper illustrates the role of these language processes in creating polarized mass opinions and supports the role of the press in creating disputed political identities.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/construing-the-political-identity-of-imran-khan-in-pakistani-print-media-discourse-a-systemic-functional-perspective</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-II).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395720</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Youth Perspectives on Food Security Challenges under Climate Change: A Case Study of Attock</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ahmad Hassan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Food Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Resilient Agriculture</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Youth-Led Initiatives</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Attock</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan is a country well known for its rich cultural background and ethnic history. Its economy majorly depends on the agriculture sector, and around 70% of the population is associated with agriculture. In the globalized world, Pakistan is trying to develop effective, locally specific solutions to ensure sustainable agricultural adjustments and resilient communities. This research study aims to explore the experiences and perceptions of Pakistani youth regarding food security issues in the times of climate change, particularly in the District Attock of Punjab province. The research findings highlight the need for weather-resilient agriculture, diversified patterns, and initiatives as perceived by youth in regard to the food security challenges. The results figure out the implications for researchers, practitioners, policy makers, and stakeholders who aim at seeking support in sustainable food systems and guarantee food safety in the Attock region.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of Anthropology, PMAS Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Chairman, Department of Anthropology, PMAS – Arid Agriculture University, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/youth-perspectives-on-food-security-challenges-under-climate-change-a-case-study-of-attock</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395721</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Technological Innovation and Global Governance: The Role of AI, Cyber, and Space in International Relations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Qader</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kashif Ashfaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zaiba Sarwar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Artificial Intelligence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cybersecurity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Space Exploration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>International Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Technology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the 21st century technological innovation has become a character of global governance. These include Artificial Intelligence (AI), Cyber capabilities, and Space exploration, which are all emerging technologies reshaping the geopolitical landscape for better or worse. This paper examines how these technologies affect international relations to discuss their significance for power constructs, security, and cooperation between nations. Decision-making processes are being revolutionized by AI, cybersecurity is an urgent issue in the field of national defense, and space exploration is becoming more and more critical for global cooperation and competition. The analysis suggests the need to build governance frameworks to regulate these technologies globally and the importance of international cooperation to ensure responsible and ethical use. The research seeks to discover how these technologies are revolutionizing global governance and the future of international relations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Mirpur University of Science and Technology, AJ&amp;K, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, National University of Modern Languages Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Politics &amp; IR, International Islamic University Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/technological-innovation-and-global-governance-the-role-of-ai-cyber-and-space-in-international-relations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395734</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Triggers of Opportunity Recognition: Does Entrepreneurial Alertness Mediate the Impact of Family, Social, and Government Support on Employability Outcomes?</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ahmad Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aamar Ilyas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Hafiz Ahmad Ashraf</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Family Support</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Capital</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Government Support</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Entrepreneurial Alertness</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>and Employability</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The present study investigates the roles of Family Support, Social Capital, and Government Support on the Employability of the graduate students, whereby entrepreneurial alertness is used as an intervening variable.  The sample size of 400 graduate students was conveniently sampled as the data providers, which is a viable and heterogeneous sample to study.  Entrepreneurial Alertness has an intermediary role between these supports and employability because of the support that helps students to recognize and seize opportunities (Tang et al., 2012). It boosts the translation of support systems into implementable strategies that enhance employment chances, especially in dynamic and unstable labor markets. The study hypothesises that all three independent variables have direct and indirect (through entrepreneurial alertness) effects on employability. These hypotheses will be proven by the expected results, as the contribution of personal, social, and institutional factors in graduate employability is of a crucial nature.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Undergraduate, Department of Business Administration, University of Education, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, University of Central Punjab, Gujranwala Campus, Gujranwala, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, University of Central Punjab, Gujranwala Campus, Gujranwala, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/triggers-of-opportunity-recognition-does-entrepreneurial-alertness-mediate-the-impact-of-family-social-and-government-support-on-employability-outcomes</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395744</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Water Wars and Climate: Mapping the Geopolitical Flashpoints of River Basin Conflicts</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Shameel Ahmed Quadri</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Moaaz Manzoor</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Kainat Muhib</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Transboundary Water Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Climate Change</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>River Basins</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hydropolitics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Increasing climate variability and dwindling freshwater resources have intensified transboundary tensions, particularly in shared river basins. This study addresses the critical gap in understanding how climate-induced water stress exacerbates geopolitical conflicts. The primary objective is to identify and analyze global hotspots, &quot;water wars&quot; flashpoints, where climate change intersects with political, economic, and hydrological vulnerabilities. Using a mixed-methods approach combining geospatial mapping, conflict event datasets, and case study analysis, the study examines key river basins such as the Nile, Tigris-Euphrates, and Indus. Results likely reveal patterns where climate-driven scarcity, unequal access, and governance asymmetries heighten the risk of conflict. The study concludes that proactive diplomatic frameworks and adaptive water-sharing agreements are essential to prevent escalation. Its insights contribute to policy planning, environmental security studies, and climate adaptation strategies.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Karachi, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of Government and Public Policy, National Defense University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>LL.M, MA IR, Advocate High Court (s) Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/water-wars-and-climate-mapping-the-geopolitical-flashpoints-of-river-basin-conflicts</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395775</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Women and Peasant Resistance in Colonial Sindh: A Case Study of Mai Bakhtawar</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mazhar Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Mai Bakhtawar Shaheed</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peasant Resistance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Colonial Sindh</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hari Women</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Haris</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The history of Sindh, a province in Pakistan, is marked by peasant movements that arose in response to exploitation by the landlords. These organised efforts often included participation from Sindhi women, although their contributions remain under-documented. Mai Bakhtawar, who emerged as a key figure during a peasant movement and sacrificed her life while fighting for the rights of disadvantaged peasants, is one such overlooked figure. In this context, this research paper aims to examine the reasons for her marginalisation in history while highlighting her vital contributions and exploring the impact of gender on her activism in Sindh and South Asia. A qualitative content analysis of primary and secondary sources suggests that two factors have contributed to her limited recognition in history and academia: her background as a member of a poor peasant family in rural Sindh and the socio-cultural context of being a woman in a feudal and patriarchal society.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of History, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/women-and-peasant-resistance-in-colonial-sindh-a-case-study-of-mai-bakhtawar</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395778</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Empowering the Excluded: A Review of Skill-Based Education for Eunuchs in South Asia</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Rafiq-uz-Zaman</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Transgender Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Skill-Based Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Hijra Community</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Social Exclusion</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Eunuchs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In South Asia, the eunuchs are known as hijras, and the lack of access the education or employment opportunities makes them one of the most marginalized communities. Potential avenues for economic empowerment, skill-based education, and vocational training remain unavailable and underutilized. This review is based on studies from 2015 to 2025 in South Asia and analyzes the role of educational barriers and vocational programs. Having untouchable stigmas like the scars of colonial rule or present-day prejudice ensures that the doors of learning are shut at all costs. In spite of India’s Transgender Persons Act and Pakistan’s Constitutional protections, the lack of enforcement, institutional discrimination, and non-inclusive infrastructure sustain the status quo. Government and NGO skill development programs are poorly funded, designed, and constructed. The review emphasizes that systemic change is necessary. The suggestions call for strong partnerships, policy enforcement, and inclusive educational spaces for social and economic exclusion.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD, Department of Education, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/empowering-the-excluded-a-review-of-skillbased-education-for-eunuchs-in-south-asia</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395779</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Militaristic Nationalism, Driven and Sustained by A Unique Ideology: The Case of DPRK and Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Islamic Republic of Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democratic Republic of Korea</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Militaristic Nationalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ideology</dc:subject>
<dc:description>With the end of the Cold War came the proclamation of the end of history which turned out to be a hasty verdict.  The twilight of the 20th Century was no different than its beginning because the historical continuum along the lines of the ‘us versus ‘them’ is still woven into the national narrative of states. Against this background this paper investigates the nature of ideological commitment which the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the Islamic Republic of Pakistan have interwoven in their national narratives.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/militaristic-nationalism-driven-and-sustained-by-a-unique-ideology-the-case-of-dprk-and-pakistan-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395780</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Assessing the Impact of Economic Liberalization on India’s Growth Trajectory: A Comprehensive Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hamza Farooq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aliza Khalil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Imran Wakil</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Indian Growth Trajectory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Liberalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Macroeconomic Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Foreign Investment</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper critically examines the comprehensive analysis of the impacts of economic liberalization on India&apos;s growth trajectory since the economic reforms of 1991. The paper also analyzes how liberalization reshaped the Indian economy, drawing on a careful examination of macroeconomic patterns, policy reforms, sectoral performance, and foreign investment inflows. The study draws on qualitative and quantitative evidence to evaluate changes in GDP growth, employment, trade, and industrial production, and regional disparities and socio-economic concerns that persisted or have arisen in the post-reform period. By situating India&apos;s liberalization in the international and historical context, the study offers a balanced analysis of the successes, shortcomings, and long-term consequences of market-based reforms. The evidence suggests that although liberalization unleashed mammoth economic growth and global integration, its benefits have been disproportionately distributed, and more inclusive and sustainable policy interventions in the years to come are needed.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/assessing-the-impact-of-economic-liberalization-on-indias-growth-trajectory-a-comprehensive-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395786</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Reassessing the Burden of Proof under Pakistan’s Qanun-e-Shahadat Order, 1984: A Doctrinal Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mian Arfan Ullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aamir Abbas</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Waqas Sarwar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Burden of Proof</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Qanun-E-Shahadat Order 1984</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Doctrinal Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Evidentiary Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Comparative Jurisprudence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Presumption of Innocence</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This research paper critically examines the burden of proof under the Qanun-e-Shahadat Order (QSO) 1984 by analyzing relevant laws and jurisprudence developed in this context. It argues that though common law principles of initial burden are consistent with Articles 117-118, yet statutory presumptions as enshrined in Articles 119-129 pose risks of unjustifiably transferring the burden of proof to defendants. The refusal of the courts to receive electronic evidence also diminishes the value of adjudication. Comparative analysis reveals that, as compared to Indian and Western jurisdictions, the courts in Pakistan has been reluctant in developing an evidentiary framework. This sheds light on the weaknesses of doctrines in the QSO mainly ambiguity, imperviousness to contemporary framework of evidences, and lack of comparative flexibility. It asserts the need for law amendment which is required to be in conformation with modern concept of evidentiary practice of justice.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Advocate High Court, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, College of Law, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, College of Law, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/reassessing-the-burden-of-proof-under-pakistans-qanuneshahadat-order-1984-a-doctrinal-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395792</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Information Literacy in the Digital Age: Evaluating the Role of New Media vs. Mainstream Media in Fostering Civic Engagement of University Students in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Majid Hamid Nasir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Saqib Riaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Information Literacy; New Media; Mainstream Media; Civic Engagement; University Students; Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study explores Pakistani university students’ construction of information literacy skills, and the practicability of these skills in the context of the media scape, information culture, and society. Students (n=450) were selected from Pakistan&apos;s largest universities through convenience sampling. Variables were verified through paired-samples t-tests. Findings revealed that the majority of the students perceive information to be definitive and objective, while a minority of students acknowledge the interpretive completion of information. Students were found to be more active participants in interactive media activities than in the critical evaluation of media content. Similarly, mainstream media like Radio and Magazines were found moderately influential in fostering civic engagement, while Television and Newspapers were ranking lower. It is recommended that information literacy and civic engagement be part of university curricula to foster their significance among students</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University. Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Professor, Department of Mass Communication, Allama Iqbal Open University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/information-literacy-in-the-digital-age-evaluating-the-role-of-new-media-vs-mainstream-media-in-fostering-civic-engagement-of-university-students-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).10</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395793</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Winning the Vote: Analyzing Electoral Strategies in Na-258 Loralai</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Ghafoor</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Na-258 (Loralai)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Election Strategies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Winning Candidates</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electoral Alliances</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Biradari System (Kinship Politics)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pro-Establishment Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Balochistan Awami Party (BAP)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Voter Behavior</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study examines the strategies employed by victorious candidates in NA-258 (Loralai) through the case study method. The findings reveal that candidates in such constituencies adopted strategies tailored to the social and cultural norms of their areas and the mentality of their voters. In NA-258 Loralai, the candidates relied more on joining pro-establishment parties, forming electoral alliances, utilizing the biradari (kinship) system, managing the Election Day, arranging corner meetings, and door-to-door canvassing. The most effective approach across the constituency was joining a pro-establishment Balochistan Awami Party. The researcher has used rational choice theory to show voters were driven by personal benefits and nepotism, while the case study method compares candidate strategies in 2013 and 2018, identifying the key strategy behind the NA-258 victory. Overall, the research concludes that the election strategies of winning candidates in NA-258 differed significantly, reflecting local socio-political dynamics.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, University of Loralai, Balochistan, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/winning-the-vote-analyzing-electoral-strategies-in-na258-loralai</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).11</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395804</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Combating Misinformation in the Age of Deepfakes</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muntaha Sami</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zarwah Nabil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Maryam Hashmi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Deepfakes</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Misinformation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Detection</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provenance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Watermarking</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Prebunking</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Human–Ai Teaming</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The study discusses the defense in relation to the problem of deepfakes using a mixed methodology by implementing technical assessment, randomized controlled tests (RCT), and interviews with practitioners. The best out-of-distribution performance was the multimodal fusion and late ensembling (ensemble AUC 0.979 in-domain, 0.944 out-of-domain) and high-resistance to post-processing methods. Combining prebunking with AI-generated labels led to a 31.4% reduction in the intent to share synthetic content compared to the control group in the RCT (n ≈ 900) and an apparent reduction in the perceived accuracy of fakes. Provenance and watermarks checks were found to be very precise, covering 23% of items. The practitioner responses mentioned clear labels, confidence displays, and audit processes as being of significant value. Deep fake threats can be efficiently addressed by using a layered defense mechanism, which consists of calibrated multimodal detection, interoperable provenance, and timely user education.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil, School of Media and Communication, Studies, Minhaj University, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Masters (In Development) Department of, Journalism, Institute of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Media and Communication Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/combating-misinformation-in-the-age-of-deepfakes</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).12</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395809</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Impact of Religion on the Politics of District Attock, Punjab: A Case Study of Tehsil Jand</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Mah-e-Kamil</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mohammad Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Barailvi</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Islamization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Electoral Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Religious</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>and Jand Tehsil</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The religious politics have significantly influenced the nature and direction of political system in Pakistan since the Islamization drive of Gen. Zia-ul-Haq in 1980s. The rise of religious political parties and the influence of their militant organizations had a deep impacts on the policy-making in Pakistan. Much has been written about the Islamization of Pakistan and the necessary steps taken by successive governments to implement Islamic laws (Sharia) in the country. However, there is no account of the study to understand the impact of religion on the politics of Tehsil Jand of District Attock. District Attock, being close to Rawalpindi-Islamabad, which connects the southern Punjab and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with the capital territory, is strategically important in the national politics of Pakistan. Therefore, this research seeks to not only explore the links between religion and politics in Tehsil Jand but also highlight the influence of Islamic political parties in the electoral politics as well as their performance in General Elections in Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, KUST, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer/In-Charge Chairperson, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, KUST, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-impact-of-religion-on-the-politics-of-district-attock-punjab-a-case-study-of-tehsil-jand</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).13</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395811</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Promises, Slogans, and Power: Political Campaigns in South Punjab’s 2018 Elections</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aqsa Sikkandar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>South Punjab</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>2018 Elections</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Campaigns</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Promises</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Slogans</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pti</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pml-N</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Provincial Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Patron-Client Politics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The South Punjab general elections of 2018 turned into a fine synthesis of promises, rhetoric, and clashes for power that modified the entire political complexion of this region. Major parties campaigned among the economically deprived voters with populism and a regional narrative. They were all rejoicing in themes of development, provincial autonomy, and inclusion, but most of the time, these were empty promises incapable of seeing the light of demonstrable results. The flip-flops of the politicized arena from one faction to another represent new types of loyalties spawned by clientelism, not ideology. This study deals with how electoral messaging, identity politics, and bargaining for power acted to such an extent as to bind voters into reinforcing mechanisms for existing power structures in the disguise of change and regional empowerment.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/promises-slogans-and-power-political-campaigns-in-south-punjabs-2018-elections</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).14</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395815</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>The Weaponization of Generative AI in Disinformation Campaigns</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Amrat Haq</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Generative AI; Disinformation; Deepfakes; Multimodal; Detection; Provenance; Coordinated Inauthentic Behavior; Media Literacy; Network Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Generative AI reduces the price and speeds up disinformation, allowing multimodal creation and platform coordination in a brief time. This paper is an evaluation of its weaponization using a mixed-methods approach: (1) mass-detection of synthetic content and campaign form in the wild; (2) cross-modal detection and avoidance benchmark in text, image, audio, and video; (3) a preregistered experiment of belief, sharing, and confidence. In early windows, synthetic things spread out more easily, multi-modal composites more often defeat detectors, and exposure down-regulates the accuracy of belief and enhances sharing intent. Ensembles are also better detectors, although they perform poorly in realistic laundering (paraphrase, compression, re-recording, cross-modal remix). The network analysis indicates bridge accounts as the major cross-platform conduits. Our suggestions include provenance-by-default, calibrated detectors, coordination wasting, and human-in-the-loop validation of consequential claims. Results can be used in platform policy, election integrity protection, and multilingual risk monitoring in adaptive adversary efforts worldwide.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Media and Communications, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/the-weaponization-of-generative-ai-in-disinformation-campaigns</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).15</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395819</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Extremism and Challenges to Peace education: Implications for Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Arooj Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muqarrab Akbar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Extremism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NGO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>S</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Education</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Peace</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Extremism in Pakistan is impacting the Political stability of the state, and the growing security situations have deteriorated the phenomenon of peace education in Pakistan. Although the literacy rate is increasing yet a lot of attention is still needed in this regard. The core objective of this paper is to analyze the problems of Peace education in Pakistan.  The country has been facing extremism for many decades, directly or indirectly, so the society needs awareness of this societal demon to achieve prosperity. The education system of Pakistan needs many changes to counter extremism for the future of the coming generation, by understanding the challenges to peace education. The behavior of the students and teachers towards peace education needs to be evaluated. The hurdles that were faced by the NGOs while propagation peace education will also be highlighted.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Director Peace and Counter Extremism Research Centre, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/extremism-and-challenges-to-peace-education-implications-for-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).16</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395820</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Islam and Regional Diplomacy: A Case Study of Jamaat-e-Islami and its role in the Afghan Conflict (2010 -2012)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shabana Naeem</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Political Islam</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jamaat-e-Islami</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Afghan Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper examines the interest of Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) in the Afghan crisis of 2010-2012 in terms of Political Islam and regional politics. Based on the qualitative discourse analysis of party statements, speeches, and policy narratives, it examines the manner in which JI has expressed its ideological position on Afghanistan and Pakistan&apos;s foreign policy. The paper places the JI discourse in the political environment that is undergoing change in Pakistan in the wake of the U.S. troop surge and the consequent drawdown announcements. Results indicate that discourse in JI included anti-imperialist and religious solidarity to confront the relationship between the Western powers and Pakistan and to establish the party as a source of Islamic independence and regional peace. The paper claims the involvement of JI during this time is representative of the operation of political Islam as a theological form as well as a diplomatic idiom in South Asian politics.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Higher Education, Government Graduate College for Women Kabir Wala, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-islam-and-regional-diplomacy-a-case-study-of-jamaateislami-and-its-role-in-the-afghan-conflict-2010-2012</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).17</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395824</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Pakistan-Russia Relations During 1992-2001: A Critical Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Saqib Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mohammad Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fazal Mohammad</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Bilateral</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>CARs</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trade</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Terrorism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Pakistan and Russia had formally established diplomatic relationship in 1992 by marking the beginning of a new era in their relationship. This move was significant as it ended decades of hostility between the two states by opening new venues for cooperation in various fields. This growing relationship had seen remarkable progress in later years followed by high-level visits to strengthen economic ties, and military cooperation. However, despite progress in multiple areas of cooperation, there were still several challenges that had to be addressed by both states for enhancing trade relationships. The research therefore dwells on the evolution of Russia-Pakistan relations since 1992 and to identify those factors which were responsible for this development. However, both Pakistan and Russia seriously need to improve their bilateral relations, and have to fully realize their potential cooperation in different fields such as trade, defense, energy and infrastructure etc.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Pakistan Studies, Government Degree College, Shakardara Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer/In-Charge/Chairperson, Department of Pakistan Studies, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, KUST, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, KUST, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/pakistanrussia-relations-during-19922001-a-critical-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).18</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395838</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Facial Recognition and the U.S. Fourth Amendment: Defining Reasonable Expectations of Privacy in Algorithmic Policing</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bakht Munir</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ahmed Raza</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ali Nawaz Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Facial Recognition Technology</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Fourth Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Algorithmic Policing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitutional Privacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Artificial Intelligence and Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Surveillance and Civil Liberties</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Technological Proportionality</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Facial recognition technology (FRET) has completely transformed the manner of surveillance by introducing continuous and automatic identification of individuals in both digital and physical environments. This technological growth poses a challenge to the sufficiency of the Fourth Amendment, as its definition of reasonable expectation of privacy was designed in an analogue world of physical searches and physical evidence. This study proposes a technological proportionality and accountability framework (TPAF) that aims at balancing constitutional privacy rights with contemporary algorithm-based surveillance. Based on the principles of scale, persistence, and inference, TPAF provides a comprehensive mechanism that enables the courts and lawmakers to determine the proportionality, intent, and responsibility of digital surveillance operations. Recommending statutory and administrative changes in addition to transparency, fairness, and independent control, this article proposes that the Fourth Amendment should be interpreted dynamically in a way that conserves democratic values along with technological advancement in modern policing.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Postdoctoral Fellow, The University of Kansas School of Law, USA.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>LLM Scholar, Pennsylvania State University, USA.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, University Law College, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/facial-recognition-and-the-us-fourth-amendment-defining-reasonable-expectations-of-privacy-in-algorithmic-policing</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).19</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395847</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>NDMA Crisis Communication on Twitter: A Case Study of Floods in Pakistan 2022</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Khadija Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Qasim Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Crisis Communication</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NDMA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Misinformation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Twitter (X)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>2022 Pakistan Floods</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Crisis communication during natural disasters holds a substantial significance, especially for underdeveloped countries where information infrastructures are weak. The 2022 floods in Pakistan have led to one of the most extensive humanitarian crises. National Disaster Management Authority(NDMA)used X as one of the key digital platforms to provide timely situational updates and ongoing relief efforts. Nevertheless, a concurrent surge of misinformation distorted public understanding. Using existing studies on crisis communication, this study examines NDMA’s disaster response communication on Twitter during the 2022 floods, along with the effects of misinformation. The research employs qualitative content analysis and a theory-guided approach. Insights from secondary evidence suggest that NDMA has recurrently posted updates, lining up with efficient crisis communication practices. Information access disparities, insufficient prebunking, and minimal proactive fact-checking obstructed reach and impact. The research concludes by outlining key recommendations for proactive communication, multilingual dissemination strategy, enhanced data transparency, and partnering with fact-checking organizations.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Riphah Institute of Media Sciences, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Riphah Institute of Media Sciences, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD, Department of Developmental Sciences, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/ndma-crisis-communication-on-twitter-a-case-study-of-floods-in-pakistan-2022</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).20</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395859</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Discourses of Control: A Discursive Institutionalist and Foucauldian Analysis of UK Immigration Policy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ijlal Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Mohtasim</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Immigration Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discursive Control</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Border Sovereignty</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Border Control</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governmentality Power</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Migrant Illegalisation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Policy Volatility</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Narrative Framing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Immigration Acts U</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper covers the theme that the mass instability and the fact that the UK immigration policy has been ineffective since 2010 can not be attributed to material factors only or the sentiment of individuals. Instead, it is driven by powerful and unified discourses of power that render policy agreeable and the production. The presented study will provide a novel methodological instrument since Discursive Institutionalism (DI) and Foucauldian discourse analysis are merged together. DI illuminates the contribution of the political agencies in producing and challenging persuasive stories, but Foucauldian analysis offers an understanding of the manner in which persuasive stories control and define migrant people as powers by constructing regimes of truth. With the Hostile Environment and recent reforms, the regularity has become evident, which is then succeeded by the leaders adopting the issue of migration as either a sovereignty issue, a management issue, or a situation of crisis.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Graduate, Department of International Relations (IR), Quaid-e-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS, Public Policy and Governance, Government College University (GCU), Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/discourses-of-control-a-discursive-institutionalist-and-foucauldian-analysis-of-uk-immigration-policy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).21</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395877</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Constructing Legitimacy and Solidarity in Zohran Mamdani’s Victory Speech: An Appraisal-Based Discourse Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kaynat Khudadad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tazanfal Tehseem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asad Nazar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Appraisal Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Attitude</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Graduation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Engagement</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mamdani’s Speech</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper analyses the evaluative and interpersonal meaning constructed in the post-election victory speech given by Zohran Mamdani as the New York Mayor with the help of Appraisal Theory (Martin and White, 2003) of the Systemic Functional Linguistics. Appraisal Theory gives an orderly manner in terms of which speakers assess occurrences, heighten or pull down meanings, and place themselves relative to other voices. Using a qualitative discourse-analytical methodology, the paper will examine how the three subsystems of appraisal, which include Attitude, Graduation, and Engagement, have been strategically used to bring about political legitimacy, solidarity, and ideological convergence. Engagement analysis reveals a compromise between monoglossic statements of fundamental democratic values and heteroglossic incorporation of other voices in the society. The paper has shown that the victory speech by Mamdani is not just celebration rhetoric but an ideological performance that negotiates the power, inclusion and leadership in pluralistic democratic setting.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Ph.D. Scholar, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/constructing-legitimacy-and-solidarity-in-zohran-mamdanis-victory-speech-an-appraisalbased-discourse-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).22</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395922</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-09-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Court-Annexed Mediation under Pakistani Civil Procedure: Cosmetic Reform or Substantive Change?</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Kamran Abdullah</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Aisha Rasool</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Court-Annexed Mediation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Civil Procedure</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alternative Dispute Resolution</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Access to Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Procedural Justice</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Implementation Gap</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Settlement Durability</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In this paper, the author analyses the efficacy of the Pakistani civil procedure of court-linked mediation and whether the mediation is a substantive reform or a cosmetic measure to overcome the court backlog and delays. The research employs a mixed-method approach, which is a combination of a doctrinal legal analysis and empirical data in the form of court documents, mediation lists, and interviews with stakeholders. The results indicate that although mediation saves time on the disposal of cases and adjournments and leads to non-trivial settlements, its use is inconsistent. The problems of referral delays, judicial resistance, and lawyer resistance show that mediation continues to be an optional or secondary process. The paper concludes that to have mediation create a lasting change, institutionalization should be further, such as through more explicit referral policies, mediator training principles, and more procedural fairness precautions.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Deputy Registrar, Appellate Tribunal Inland Revenue, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Senior Consultant and Head of Research and Opinion wing at Ministry of Law and Justice, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-09-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/courtannexed-mediation-under-pakistani-civil-procedure-cosmetic-reform-or-substantive-change-</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-III).23</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 3</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395848</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Political Reforms in Erstwhile FATA and its Implications: A Critical Study of the Government of Peoples Party (2008-13)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Fazal Muhammad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ehtaisham Ahmed Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Mohammad Ayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Electoral Reforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>FATA</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Local Government</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Parties</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) of Pakistan (presently part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) had geo-strategic importance for British India as well as post-colonial Pakistan after 1947. Before its merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province in 2018, political reforms were introduced by the then government of Pakistan People’s Party (2008-13), which played a significant role in the socio-economic and political development of the erstwhile FATA. Due to its proximity to Afghanistan and the abundance of precious natural resources, the geo-political importance of the erstwhile FATA enhanced even after its merger with Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Therefore, it is customary to study the impacts of political reforms on socio-political development in the erstwhile FATA. This research paper seeks to highlight important political reforms during the Pakistan People’s Party government under President Asif Ali Zardari and Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gilani.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Political Science, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>In-Charge Chairperson, Department of Political Science, Kohat University of Science &amp; Technology, Kohat, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/political-reforms-in-erstwhile-fata-and-its-implications-a-critical-study-of-the-government-of-peoples-party-200813</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395851</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Sense of Deprivation in Balochistan: Depiction of instability on Twitter</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Hafiz Hassan Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Fatima Khalid</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Qasim Ali Shah</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Balochistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Twitter</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Propaganda</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agenda-Setting</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Framing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Digital Activism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study looks at how Baluchistan&apos;s political instability and lack of progress are reflected in tweets. It shows that the majority of these tweets are from activists and non-governmental organisations that use social media to advance their political and ideological objectives.  The study carefully looks at content on Twitter to see how stories about Baluchistan are made, shared, and even exaggerated. It also uses important communication theories, such as the Propaganda Model, Agenda-Setting Theory, and Framing Theory, to explain how content is selected and formed online. Despite difficulties, including confirming the veracity of sources, language barriers, and misleading material on the internet, the study underlines the importance of thinking critically about how the media affects our perception of combat zones. By showing how media messages and power influence the narratives surrounding regional instability, this study generally advances the science of mass communication.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Riphah Institute of Media Sciences, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MS Scholar, Riphah Institute of Media Sciences, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD, Department of Developmental Sciences, COMSATS University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/sense-of-deprivation-in-balochistan-depiction-of-instability-on-twitter</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395852</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Challenges to the PML-N in the Process of Democratic Consolidation in Pakistan (2013–2018): An Assessment</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Jamal Ud Din</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Manzoor Ahmad Naazer</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>PML-N</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democratic Consolidation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civil-military Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Judicial Engineering</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Intra-party Democracy.</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study assesses the major challenges faced by the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) in advancing democratic consolidation during its 2013–2018 tenure. Employing a qualitative analytical approach, drawing on secondary data, government reports, and scholarly literature, the paper examines how persistent civil-military tensions, judicial interventions, and politicized accountability reflected in the Panama Papers, Musharraf treason trial, and Dawn Leaks constrained civilian authority. The analysis further highlights governance obstacles arising from terrorism, political polarization, economic instability, and weak intra-party democracy, all of which undermined institutional performance and public trust. The findings demonstrate that these interconnected challenges limited the PML-N’s ability to translate electoral legitimacy into substantive democratic strengthening. The study concludes that sustainable democratic consolidation in Pakistan requires not only regular elections but also strong institutions, cooperative civil-military relations, a pluralistic political culture, and socio-economic stability capable of supporting long-term democratic reforms.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar (Political Science), Department of Politics and International Relations, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Politics and International Relations,  International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/challenges-to-the-pmln-in-the-process-of-democratic-consolidation-in-pakistan-20132018-an-assessment</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395873</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Radicalization and Identity Crisis in The Runaways (2019) by Fatima Bhutto: A Critical Discourse Study</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nimra Nadeem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tazanfal Tehseem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asad Nazar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Radicalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Disorientation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Marginalization</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Identity Crisis</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The paper is a critical analysis of The Runaways by Fatima Bhutto (2019) using Critical Discourse Analysis (Fairclough) and Systemic Functional Linguistics (transitivity system of Halliday) to analyze how language creates the radicalization and identity crisis, as well as gendered subject positions in the post-9/11 period. Through 55-60 paragraphs of the purposive sampling of analyzed clauses conducted through the UAM Corpus Tool, the research notes how radicalized youth are discursively represented as ideologically influenced subjects grappling with exclusion, disorientation, and belonging-seeking processes. With transitivity analysis, it is shown that material and mental processes focus more on justice, inner division, and identity conflicts, and female characters develop as victims as well as resisters, although their voice is not as low as that of narration.  This paper demonstrates that fiction is a discursive location in which global and local ideologies are brought together, influencing the vision of terrorism, identity, marginalization, and resistance.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of Linguistics and Language Studies (DLLS), University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of Linguistics and Language Studies (DLLS), University of    Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of Linguistics and Language Studies (DLLS), University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/radicalization-and-identity-crisis-in-the-runaways-2019-by-fatima-bhutto-a-critical-discourse-study</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395888</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Analyzing Iceland&apos;s Specific Legal Amendments to its Border Control and Civil Protection Acts in 2020-2021: A Unique Framework for Agile Crisis Management</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ahmad Nawaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Border Control Act</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Civil Protection Act</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agile Crisis Management</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Agile Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Modularity. Dual-Track Legislative Strategy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The report focuses on investigating the implementation of the amendments to the temporary Border Control Act (No. 50/2007) and Civil Protection Act (No. 82/2008), which were implemented by Iceland in response to COVID-19 but did not directly concern it. It considers this strategy toward the law as a proactive and directed policy of agile crisis management. The result of the current study in terms of a qualitative, comparative case study of the two legislative tracks is that iterative time-bound amendments in Iceland may not always have been a reactionary mechanism but a dynamic mechanism of rapid calibration of activity, long-term democratic supervision, and flexibility to operate. The report results in the conclusion that this framework provides a generalizable model that can be pursued by small and highly globalized states in the future in case of transnational crises and is aimed at balancing legal authority, adaptive capacity, and democratic accountability.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Bachelors in Laws (LLB), University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/analyzing-icelands-specific-legal-amendments-to-its-border-control-and-civil-protection-acts-in-20202021-a-unique-framework-for-agile-crisis-management</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395900</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>BRICS and the Rise of Multi-Polarity: Redefining Global Power Structures</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Sadia Fayaz</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Multi-Polarity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>BRICS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Alliances</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Western Bloc</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article analyzes the power structure in the world, in which BRICS is seen as a transformative force in the process of forming a wide multilateral global power structure, from the point of challenge to the long governance based on the hegemony of Western institutions. The main objective of the study is to examine how BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) promote multi-polarity by way of promoting economic cooperation, advocating for institutional reform, and creating alternative models of development and governance. The research applies A.F.K. Organski’s power transition theory, guided by a qualitative methodology that uses secondary sources in the form of government reports, scholarly articles, and institutional data.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Shaheed Benazir Bhutto Women University Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/brics-and-the-rise-of-multipolarity-redefining-global-power-structures</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395909</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Algorithms’ Role in Women Journalists’ Presence on Digital Platforms: An Analysis of Stake-holders’ (Male &amp; Female Journalists, AI Experts) Opinion</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Arslan Haider</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tanveer Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Algorithms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Women Journalists</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Digital Platforms</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Gender Bias</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Stakeholder Opinions</dc:subject>
<dc:description>It is possible that social media could worsen gender disparities in journalism due to the automated processes. This study looks into how digital media algorithms impact the visibility and interactions of women journalists. The study draws on qualitative data from Journalists and AI (Artificial Intelligence) specialists (both male and female). The study examines the impact of algorithmic biases on the professional and social visibility of women in digital space. Out of the thirty (30) individuals, 15 were journalists and 15 were AI specialists. Among the female journalists, the majority felt disenfranchised by opaque recommendation systems. AI specialists mentioned biased data in systems while male journalists recognized the disparity as a byproduct rather than a feature of the system. Digital spaces need systems designed in diversity-equitable manner. The analysis demands a sense of collaboration from all disciplines to address the impact of algorithms.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, School of Media and Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Communication and Media Research, School of Communication Studies, University of the Punjab, Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/algorithms-role-in-women-journalists-presence-on-digital-platforms-an-analysis-of-stakeholders-male-female-journalists-ai-experts-opinion</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395925</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Between Family Rejection and Community Resilience: A Qualitative Study of Stigma and Mental Health among Transgender Individuals</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Shahzad Khaver Mushtaq</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asma Yunus</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Suleeman Hussain</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Social Stigma</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Mental Health</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Transgender</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Minority Stress</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Community Resilience</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This qualitative research paper analyzed how the social stigma has affected the mental health of the transgender population in Punjab, Pakistan, and how the effects of the social stigma can be mitigated through coping. Based on Minority Stress Theory and Transgender Stigma Framework, semi-structured interviews were carried out in-depth with 11 transgender people (khwaja sira) in urban parts of Punjab. Thematic analysis has found that the experiences or feelings of familial rejection, social harassment, and institutional discrimination were widespread. The effects of this stigma were depression, anxiety, low self-esteem, and suicidal thoughts. There were also the internalized stigma and unremitting fear of being excluded. Despite these problems, good community ties, peer support, the guru-chela system, and achieved celebrity as major resilience processes. The results show the necessity of urgency in stigma reduction programs, inclusive healthcare services.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Criminology, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology and Criminology, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Visiting Lecturer, Department of Sociology and Criminology, University of Sargodha, Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/between-family-rejection-and-community-resilience-a-qualitative-study-of-stigma-and-mental-health-among-transgender-individuals</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).08</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395937</identifier>
<datestamp>2025-12-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Emerging Space Powers: A Comparative Analysis with Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Arooba Younas</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Air Force</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Defence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Satellites</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Space Programme</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Space has become more significant in the past few decades due to the numerous advantages it offers opportunities for development and security. Through a qualitative research approach, using the comparative case studies method, this paper delves into the space programmes of South Africa, Türkiye, and Iran, and compares them with Pakistan’s space programme. This study finds that South Africa has integrated its satellite data into decision-making. Also, Türkiye’s state-led institutions are involved in developing military satellites for its Air Force, whilst the Iranian Space Agency and its Revolutionary Guards Corps are cooperating with one another in the space domain. A key finding is the prosperous private sector in all three case studies, a domain nearly absent in the Pakistani context. These findings underscore the need for public-private partnerships, a consolidated space data repository, and a civil-military nexus to further enhance the space programme of Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Centre for Aerospace and Security Studies, (CASS), Lahore, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2025-12-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/emerging-space-powers-a-comparative-analysis-with-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2025(X-IV).09</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 10, Issue 4</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395904</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Appraisal of the Dynamics of Pakistan’s Foreign Policy and Its Contemporary Relations with Neighboring Countries</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Waqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Bin Liaqat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Regional Security</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multilateral Diplomacy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Economic Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Asia</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This paper will look at the dynamics of the foreign policy of Pakistan and its modern relationship with its neighbors including India, Afghanistan, China and Iran. The foreign policy of Pakistan is characterized by the sophisticated relations between securities, diplomatic, and economic, in which the control of conflicts, overcoming cross-border security issues, maintaining strategic alliances, and the development of effective cooperation are the main priorities. In the last ten years, the city of Islamabad has been trying to seek multilateral involvement, economic integration, and trust-building processes to promote long-run stability and regional prosperity. The study demonstrates the influence of geopolitical and domestic security concerns on the Pakistan external activities and the necessity of striking a balance between the security issues and economic diplomacy. This is a critical analysis of the foreign policy of Pakistan in the changing position of South and Central Asia, its strategic priorities, and policy changes.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/appraisal-of-the-dynamics-of-pakistans-foreign-policy-and-its-contemporary-relations-with-neighboring-countries</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-I).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395928</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Parliamentary Democracy in Asian Federal States: Challenges and Constitutional Innovations</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aamir Hanif Raja</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Umer Yaqoob</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Bilal</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Parliamentary</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Democracy</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Constitutional</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Instability</dc:subject>
<dc:description>In the Asian federal states parliamentary democracy presents an exclusive interaction of governance framework, constitutional structure and cultural diversity. The aim of this study is to observe innovations and challenges that characterize the working of parliamentary system in the Asian federal framework. Main issues include addressing the intergovernmental tensions, protecting rights of minorities ans confirming equitable representation by maintaining national unity. The study also underlines constraints that is levied by economic disparities, political instability and shifting geopolitical dynamics that impact efficiency of parliamentary democracy in the federal systems. Comparative studies from nations like India, Malaysia and Pakistan provide insights to success and limitations of these approaches, showing lessons for other areas. The research argue the interaction between parliamentary democracy and federalism in Asia requires a more nuanced method that considers the historical, cultural and institutional factors. </dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Professor Chairman, Department of History, Government Graduate College Asghar Mall Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Department of History, Government Graduate College Asghar Mall, Rawalpindi, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/parliamentary-democracy-in-asian-federal-states-challenges-and-constitutional-innovations</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-I).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395931</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>From Riyadh to Tehran: Foreign Policy Reorientation in Pakistan’s PTI and PDM Eras (2018–2023)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Saeed</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Anwar Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Shifts</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PTI</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>PDM</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan’s Foreign Policy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study examines shifts in Pakistan’s foreign policy towards Saudi Arabia and Iran during the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government (2018–2022) and the Pakistan Democratic Movement (PDM) government (2022–2023). It comparatively analyzes how each government managed relations with these two regional rivals and identifies the political, economic, diplomatic, and security determinants shaping policy choices. Using a qualitative case-study approach supported by document analysis, official statements, economic indicators, and secondary literature, the study finds that PTI pursued a calibrated balancing strategy aimed at strategic autonomy and regional mediation, whereas PDM adopted a more pragmatic and economically driven alignment, with greater emphasis on ties with Saudi Arabia amid domestic economic constraints. The findings highlight how leadership preferences, economic vulnerability, regional security dynamics, and external pressures collectively influenced policy recalibration.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of Political Science, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/from-riyadh-to-tehran-foreign-policy-reorientation-in-pakistans-pti-and-pdm-eras-20182023</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-I).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395932</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Exploring the Discursive Portrayal of Terrorism Reporting in Pakistani Print Media: A Critical Discourse-Pragmatic Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Ailya Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Tazanfal Tehseem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Asad Nazar</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Terrorism Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistani Media</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Discourse Pragmatics</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Framing Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Systemic Functional Linguistics</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This study observed that terrorism has been one of the most destabilizing aspects of history in Pakistan. Although much has been studied about terrorism in the political and security aspects, relatively less has been put on the discursive construction of terrorism in the Pakistani print media. This research examines the coverage of leading English-language newspapers in Pakistan (Dawn and The News) from 2009-2018. Based on an analytical model, the paper qualitatively examines a purposive sample of 99 newspaper articles. The results indicate that in both newspapers reporting on terrorism is typified with intense negative assessment of militant agencies, persistent use of us versus them identity building, and discursive justification of state counter-terrorism action. Placing such patterns of discourse into the context of socio-political life in Pakistan, the study proves that media texts are involved in the construction of national discourse and the formation of the collective consciousness.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of English Language and Linguistics, University of Sargodha, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/exploring-the-discursive-portrayal-of-terrorism-reporting-in-pakistani-print-media-a-critical-discoursepragmatic-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-I).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395944</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Return of Refugees as a Security Strategy: Afghan Refugees and Border Politics in Pakistan</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Luqman Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Afghan Refugees</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Security Concerns</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Insurgency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cross-Border Militancy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Afghan refugees in Pakistan especially in the provinces of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan have long been a source of security concern. After the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in 1979, millions of Afghanistan refugees were seeking refuge in Pakistan. The reaction at first was sympathetic, but in the long run, the sustainability of these immigrants changed into manifold security problem. This research paper looks at the security concerns that are connected to the presence of Afghan refugees in Pakistan with regard to the military and non-military dimensions of security. Some of the issues that were discussed include the rise of insurgency in the refugee camps, how the refugees groups may become a breeding pool of extremists, and how the Afghan refugees have contributed to the rise in cross-border militancy.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil Scholar, Department of Political Science, Abdul Wali Khan University Mardan, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/return-of-refugees-as-a-security-strategy-afghan-refugees-and-border-politics-in-pakistan</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-I).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395961</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Revisiting Postmodernism: A Critical Analysis</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Nadia Umair</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Modernity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Postmodernity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Postmodernism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Neoliberalism</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Historical Materialism</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Postmodernism emerged in the late 20th century as a critical response to assumption of modernity particularly the beliefs in grand narratives and universal truths. This research work analyses the canonical debates ‘for’ and ‘against’ postmodernism. Marxist-inspired theorists believe that modernity and postmodernity represent the two different stages of capitalism. It is not taken as an abrupt turn from capitalism because the core agenda of wealth accumulation still applies. The proponents argue that postmodernism challenges the dominant narratives/universal truths which had greatly marginalized the alternative voices in the history like those belonging to post-colonial and non-western societies. Conversely, the opponents believe that postmodernism undermines the probability of objective knowledge and collective action. The paper explores the intellectual tensions between varying perspectives and its relevance to the contemporary world. Like how postmodernity has become an ideology normalizing neo-liberal capitalism to restore class power rather than the emergence of entirely new post-industrial society. </dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, National Institute of Pakistan Studies (NIPS), Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/revisiting-postmodernism-a-critical-analysis</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-I).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395966</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-03-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Language, Power, and Face-Saving after Salala: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Ambiguity and Responsibility in U.S. –Pakistan Diplomacy</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Jabreel Asghar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Nataliia Borysenko</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Critical Discourse Analysis</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Diplomatic Discourse</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Ambiguity</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Apologies</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>U.S.–Pakistan Relations</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Power Asymmetry</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Face-Saving</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Using the U.S. State Department’s 3 July 2012 readout on reopening Pakistan’s supply routes after Salala, this study operationalises the Agentless Causation Composite (ACC), a clause-level diagnostic combining collectivisation, agent reduction (passives, deletion, causatives), and calibrated modality. Analysis shows ACC clustering at decision edges, where attribution and commitment are negotiated. In the absence of a Pakistan Foreign Office text, the Pakistan-side position is reconstructed through triangulated contemporaneous reporting, with claims limited to press-mediated discourse. Feature counts and co-occurrence patterns show ACC-dense clauses aligning with key policy shifts on 3 July and declining in later coverage. A reception check traces the emergence of an “apology” frame in Pakistani media. ACC integrates social-actor representation, transitivity, and modality into a single diagnostic and identifies where strategic ambiguity concentrates and how it circulates across audiences. Supporting materials include a codebook, clause IDs, and a reliability subset.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, GARD, Higher Colleges of Technology, Al Ain, United Arab Emirates.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, GARD, Higher Colleges of Technology, Al Ain, United Arab Emirates.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-03-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/language-power-and-facesaving-after-salala-a-critical-discourse-analysis-of-ambiguity-and-responsibility-in-us-pakistan-diplomacy</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-I).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 1</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395971</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Rise of Non-State Actors: A Case of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Waqar</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Umer Yaqoob</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP)</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Non-state Actors</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Insurgency</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Asymmetric Warfare</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Governance Deficits</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The emergence of non-state actors has been one of the defining contemporary security challenge in South Asia. A significant actor is Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan \TTP\, which is the most critical insurgent group fighting against the Pakistani state. Formed in 2007, TTP has its roots in the fragmented militant groups in Pakistan&apos;s tribal zones and has developed into an organized insurgency with a focus on attacking the structures of the state. This article looks at the origins, ideological basis, operational trajectory, and the contemporary resurgence of the TTP and situates this in the context of non-state armed actors. It is posited that lack of governance, geopolitical turbulence, ideological fervor, cross-border militant safe heavens and governance vacuum in the frontier regions, are the primary factors perpetuating the existence of the TTP. </dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>PhD Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Lecturer, Department of Pakistan Studies, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/rise-of-nonstate-actors-a-case-of-tehrikitaliban-pakistan-ttp</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-II).01</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395976</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Climate Politics, Institutional Fragmentation, and Development Planning in Pakistan: Assessing Policy Coherence for Sustainable Development</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Abdul Razzaq Khan</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadia Nizam</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sadia Hanif</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Climate Governance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Institutional Fragmentation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Policy Coherence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Sustainable Development</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Development Planning</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Eighteenth Amendment</dc:subject>
<dc:description>Despite contributing less than 1% to global emissions, Pakistan is among the most vulnerable countries affected by climate change. While the country has developed several climate policy instruments, such as the NCCP, Pakistan Climate Change Act, National Adaptation Plan, and NDCs, climate goals have not yet been incorporated into development processes, budgeting, infrastructure development, and institutions. In this regard, this study assesses PCSD in Pakistan through a qualitative analysis of six major climate policy instruments through a thematic review of the documents. Considering horizontal, vertical, temporal, and external coherence, the results demonstrate institutional fragmentation and a lack of effective coordination at different levels of governance. The Eighteenth Constitutional Amendment worsened governance challenges by transferring powers to unequipped provincial authorities. The 2022 flooding in Pakistan was the consequence of the ineffective governance structure. Thus, the results show the importance of enhancing climate governance with policy integration, institutional coordination, and building capacity. </dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Program Manager, SZABIST (Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science and Technology) University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Scholar, MS Development Studies, SZABIST (Shaheed Zulfikar Ali Bhutto Institute of Science and Technology) University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/climate-politics-institutional-fragmentation-and-development-planning-in-pakistan-assessing-policy-coherence-for-sustainable-development</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-II).02</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395978</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>African Solutions to African Problems: A Critical Analysis of IGAD’s Mediation in South Sudan (2013-2018)</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Aisha Rasool</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ajia Niazi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Africa</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>IGAD</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>South Sudan Conflict</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>African Solution to African Problems</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The slogan ‘African solutions to African problems’ is a core tenet of the African Union’s Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), with the aim of promoting regional ownership of the organisation in the resolution of conflicts in Africa. This research paper examines the extent of this slogan in practice by analysing the role of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the South Sudan Conflict (2013-2018). By reviewing the analysis of the scholars, this paper evaluates IGAD’s role within the framework of APSA. This paper argues that although IGAD played a significant role in South Sudan’s peace negotiations, its effectiveness was constrained by institutional weaknesses, regional rivalries, and external dependence, limiting the achievement of its objectives. This paper highlights the gap between the concept of African solutions and on ground realities. The paper concludes that the ‘African solutions to African problems’ is still in progress as it needs stronger institutional coordination.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Senior Consultant and Head of Research and Opinion Wing, Ministry of Law and Justice, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Research Associate, Ministry of Law and Justice, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/african-solutions-to-african-problems-a-critical-analysis-of-igads-mediation-in-south-sudan-20132018</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-II).03</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395983</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Economic, Political, and Strategic Dynamics: India in BRICS</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Bisma Waseem</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Mustafa</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Zainab</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>BRICS</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global South</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Trade Cooperation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Multipolar World Order</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Strategic Autonomy</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The world is experiencing another paradigm shift in the 21st century in form of an emerging economy driven world. BRICS has become an important forum for developing countries to cooperate in fields of trade, finance, diplomacy and global governance. The bloc was created in 2009 by Brazil, Russia, India and China and subsequently South Africa joined, all representing the desire to achieve a more balanced and multipolar international order. BRICS&apos; members have an important role in global affairs since they make up a large share of the world&apos;s population, production and international trade. BRICS provides important opportunities for India to strengthen its trade and financial partnership, enhance its political standing, and reduce its dependence on West through institutions like the New Development Bank. However, barriers still persist, from trade imbalances, and infrastructural issues, geopolitical conflicts to the differing interests of member states.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>M.Phil. Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/economic-political-and-strategic-dynamics-india-in-brics</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-II).04</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395986</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Decline of Western Dominance: Myth or Reality</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Afza Salman</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Ghulam Fatima</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Bilal Bin Liaqat</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Western Dominance</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Global Influence</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Rising Powers</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>China</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>India</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Russia</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>United States</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Europe</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>NATO</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>European Union</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Geopolitical Balance</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The purpose of this study is to determine whether Western nations’ influence on the world stage is actually waning or merely a perception. This study will check to what extent countries like China, India, and Russia are rising and whether they are becoming more powerful than the West, America, and Europe. The research method will combine data and expert opinions, and it will also assess the strength of institutions such as NATO, the European Union, and the United States to determine their ability to handle new challenges.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor (OPS), Department of International Relations, Government College University, Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/decline-of-western-dominance-myth-or-reality</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-II).05</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395989</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>Framing Techniques, Media Bias, and Its Effects on Political Representation: A Comparative Study of Dawn and Jang’s Coverage of the 2024 Pakistan General Elections</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Wajid Ali</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Sohail Ahmad</dc:creator>
<dc:creator>Muhammad Shahid</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>Media Framing</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Media Bias</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Representation</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Dawn</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Jang</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Pakistan General Elections 2024</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Framing Theory</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Political Communication</dc:subject>
<dc:description>The present article discusses the effect of media framing and bias on political representation in the 2024 General Elections of Pakistan. It is a comparative analysis on two of the popular newspapers Dawn, an English &amp; Jang, an Urdu Newspaper. The study applies Entman’s Framing Theory and Political Discourse Analysis to examine front-page election coverage in January–February 2024. Findings show Dawn framed elections through accountability, transparency, and legitimacy, while Jang emphasised participation, leadership, and stability. These contrasting ideological and linguistic frames conveyed distinct political messages, with Dawn targeting elites and Jang appealing to a broader Urdu readership. This means that both newspapers made their respective contribution towards the construction of public awareness of the elections. Media framing is important not only as a style to report news but also as a crucial aspect of democracy, legitimacy and ethics of the media in the hybrid political set-up of Pakistan.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Department of Journalism &amp; Mass Communication,  University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>MPhil, Department of Journalism &amp; Mass Communication,  University of Peshawar, KP, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:contributor>Assistant Professor, Riphah Institute of Media Sciences, Riphah International University, Islamabad, Pakistan.</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/framing-techniques-media-bias-and-its-effects-on-political-representation-a-comparative-study-of-dawn-and-jangs-coverage-of-the-2024-pakistan-general-elections</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-II).06</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
<record>
<header>
<identifier>oai:gprjournal.com:395995</identifier>
<datestamp>2026-06-30</datestamp>
<setSpec>gpr</setSpec>
</header>
<metadata>
<oai_dc:dc xmlns:oai_dc="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/" xmlns:dc="http://purl.org/dc/elements/1.1/" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xsi:schemaLocation="http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc/ http://www.openarchives.org/OAI/2.0/oai_dc.xsd">
<dc:title>English Arbitration Law and Cross Border Commercial Dispute Resolution: Lessons for Commonwealth Jurisdictions</dc:title>
<dc:creator>Syed Mudasser Fida Gardazi</dc:creator>
<dc:subject>International Commercial Arbitration</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>English Arbitration Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arbitration Act 1996</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Arbitration Act 2025</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>New York Convention</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>UNCITRAL Model Law</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Commonwealth Jurisdictions</dc:subject>
<dc:subject>Cross Border Dispute Res</dc:subject>
<dc:description>This article explores English arbitration law’s contribution to resolving cross-border commercial disputes and the lessons it may offer Commonwealth jurisdictions. It focuses on the Arbitration Act 1996, as amended by the Arbitration Act 2025, the New York Convention, the UNCITRAL Model Law, and the roles of the Chartered Institute of Arbitrators and the London Court of International Arbitration. The article argues that England is an attractive arbitration forum because of party autonomy, minimal court interference, fair procedure, enforceability, court and law society expertise, and institutional support. But without adjustment, the English model is not one to copy. Commonwealth jurisdictions vary in court capacity, legal culture, arbitral institutions, enforcement practice, legal cost structure, and legal service expertise. The article therefore contributes to adaptation, not transplantation. It concludes that Commonwealth reform should focus on modern legislation, judicial training, arbitral capacity, enforceable awards, technology, diversity, and credible institutions.</dc:description>
<dc:publisher>Humanity Publications</dc:publisher>
<dc:contributor>Legal Executive, Advanced Legal Consultants, Manchester, United Kingdom (UK).</dc:contributor>
<dc:date>2026-06-30</dc:date>
<dc:type>Text</dc:type>
<dc:type>Article</dc:type>
<dc:format>application/pdf</dc:format>
<dc:identifier>https://gprjournal.com/article/english-arbitration-law-and-cross-border-commercial-dispute-resolution-lessons-for-commonwealth-jurisdictions</dc:identifier>
<dc:identifier>https://doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2026(XI-II).07</dc:identifier>
<dc:language>en</dc:language>
<dc:rights>Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International</dc:rights>
<dc:rights>https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/</dc:rights>
<dc:source>Global Political Review</dc:source>
<dc:relation>Volume 11, Issue 2</dc:relation>
<dc:coverage>Pakistan</dc:coverage>
</oai_dc:dc></metadata>
</record>
</ListRecords>
</OAI-PMH>